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“Theatre is not a casual engagement, it is a daily ritual”: Imphal and the Chorus Repertory Theatre as the Sites of Performance

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Subhash Chandra Das1 & Jyotirmoy Prodhani2
1Associate Professor, Department of English, B.H. College, Assam (Gauhati University).
Email: dassubhashc@gmail.com. ORCID: 0000-0002-4346-5444
2Professor, Department of English at North-Eastern Hill University (NEHU), Shillong, Meghalaya.
Email: rajaprodhani@gmail.com. ORCID: 0000-0002-3420-4322

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022. Pages 1-16. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne46

First published: June 30, 2022 | AreaNortheast India | LicenseCC BY-NC 4.0

(This editorial is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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Abstract:

The paper contains an exclusive interview of Ratan Thiyam (1948), the famous theatre director from the Northeast and one of the major protagonists of the Theatre of Roots movement in India. The paper also provides the authors’ experience with the place, Imphal, (capital of Manipur state), its people, and its milieu which intimately informed the creative self of Thiyam and his theatre abode—the Chorus Repertory Theatre (CRT). Manipur is a state of an enigma for many outside the state, not only in the mainland but even in other parts of the Northeast as well because Manipur is seen as a place that has been a theatre of political turmoil and unrest following protracted militancy, ethnic anxieties and the tumults of identity assertions besides being subjected to the draconian AFSPA for the longest period of time. Against such a backdrop life continues to thrive in Imphal which provides elaborate nuances and contradictions turning the cityscape itself into a space of performance. The interview was taken on the sidelines of the National Theatre Festival 2017, at the CRT where some of the significant contemporary Indian plays were also performed including Thiyam’s Urubhangam. The paper attempts to look at Thiyam’s theatre against the cultural and spatial context of Manipur and to see how theatre can evolve as an organic form of artistic expression.

Keywords: Performance, Ratan Thiyam, CRT, Theatre of Roots, Urubhangam

Richard Schechner (2006) says ‘anything’ and ‘everything’ can be part of ‘performance’ (p.1). He describes performance as a “broad spectrum” or “continuum of human actions” (p.2) ranging from sports, popular entertainment, performing arts (theatre, dance, music) media as well as everyday activities like the enactment of social, professional, gender, race, and class roles, and even the acts of healing —from shamanism to surgery. The range of performance has further expanded now with the proliferation of digital platforms. Notably, performance is determined not only by the performers but also by its surroundings, its social milieu and also by the history of the place. Therefore, the same play by two different directors from two different locales would differ from each other. K.N. Panikkar and Ratan Thiyam’s productions of Bhasa’s Urubhangam are completely different from each other in terms of their performative forms and theatrical executions, as they have designed their performances based on their respective cultural as well as historical contexts.

Thus, performance is not only a composition implemented through the conscious acts of the actors on stage and the accompanying musicians in the background alone; the passive aspects of performance are equally important without which performance cannot be complete, not even possible. Such aspects would include the lights, settings, props, audience, and also the whole space, for they together form the syntax of semiotic totality of a performance. Performance space is generally understood as the space where the actual performance takes place. However, this space has a culture-specific dimension which is informed and determined by the cultural geography of the place giving it its distinctive character, historicity, and also its identity. Therefore, every culture has its own exclusive performance tradition and modes that are distinct and different from the other.  Ankia Naat, developed by Srimanta Sankardeva in the 16th century Assam, could only be possible against the geographic, cultural and historical context of the place and time that it belonged. The same is true for other traditions such as Kutiattyam of Kerala, Yakshagana of Karnataka, Kuchipudi of Andhra Pradesh or Jatra of Bengal.

Time is another key aspect that plays a seminal role in providing a connotative dimension to performance as it is time that assigns fresh significations and meanings to a performance. The Off-Off-Broadway theatre movement of America could emerge as a reaction against the robust capitalist exigencies of postmodern America, it could have never happened at any other time. Similarly, the Theatre of Roots movement of India could only emerge in the aftermath of India’s independence as a result of its desperate search for a form that was quintessentially Indian to assert a claim for a modern theatrical form of its own, free from the colonial cultural baggage. The evolution of a theatre tradition cannot be in an empty space, rather it invariably happens in the wake of the cultural, political, historical as well as day-to-day exigencies of a given place and time.

The Setting: Imphal and CRT

When we reached Imphal on 29 March 2017, by an Indigo flight from Guwahati, we were actually clueless about the place. The image and ideas about Imphal that we carried were mostly shaped by the media, hence we anticipated a war-ravaged town with the gun-trotting armed personnel patrolling the streets against heaps of ruins. The few things we knew about Imphal were that there was an all-women market, Ima Keithel1 (Mother’s market) where all the shops were owned by women and that it was a dry state2. Manipur is known for the dance tradition of Raas Leela as well as Lai Haraoba and also the indigenous martial art, thang ta. Quite significantly these traditions are integral to the theatre productions of Ratan Thiyam.  However, Manipur has always been there in the news as a militancy hotbed, known all over as the state having the uncanny distinction of being under the longest imposition of one of India’s deadliest anti-terrorism Acts called the AFSPA or the Armed Forces (Special Power) Act3 which turned citizens of Manipur, in the age group from nineteen to ninety, as they say, into potential candidates to be halted, questioned, picked up or even killed at will by the armed forces virtually whenever they wished to. It reached a flashpoint with the alleged brutal killing of Thangjam Manorama by the Armed forces in 2004 which led 12 Imas (mothers) to disrobe and carry out the historic protest in front of the Kangla Fort4 which was the Headquarters of the Assam Rifles. Significantly, the protest turned into almost a live enactment of the famous sequence of H. Kanhailal’s play, Draupadi (2000), based on Mahasweta Devi’s Dopdi, where the protagonist, Draupadi, subjected to sexual threats and mutilation, vanquished the aggressive masculinity of the Senanayak with the banal power of her naked body by challenging him to rape her.  Kanhailal once said that following the KAngla Fort protest, people used to call him a seer as if he had foreseen almost with a prophetic vision what was to come four years later (in his interview with Prodhani, 2015). Life in Manipur against such backdrops seemed like a tightrope walk holding a precarious pole of faith that keeps oscillating between hope and a mess.

 In 2017 Manipur was yet to come under the ILP (Inner Line Permit)5 regime unlike Mizoram, Nagaland, and Arunachal Pradesh in the Northeast.  Therefore, after having arrived at the small but well-decorated airport, we came out of the lounge without having to show our permits and credentials. Coming out we saw several taxi drivers standing in front of the gate expecting passengers. In the Northeast, there are at least three similar airports – Aizawl, Agartala and Imphal— the three state capitals with small airports of similar sizes. The arrival lounges of these small airports would typically feature the billboards of the state tourism departments showcasing the picture-perfect scenes of the landscape and some historic monuments of the states, dancers in gorgeous ethnic costumes and also stalls selling exquisite ethnic wares at high prices for the travellers to pick up their souvenirs as the last-minute picks. But Imphal airport has one difference—it is an international airport, which we did not know until we had arrived there. Bir Tikendrajit International Airport. The borders of Manipur are the final lines of India’s map in the Eastern extreme, hence Imphal in the common imagination in the mainland is the end of the world, a Shangrila, beyond that exists a frontier with fading horizons and a void.

As we drove in a Maruti 800 towards the Manipur University Guest House, we were in for a big surprise. Contrary to our premonition of frequent halt by the armed personnel in combat fatigue, there were hardly any in the street and more surprisingly, unlike the streets from the airport to the city in the other similar airports of the Northeast, the road to Imphal from the airport was unexpectedly wide and straight like an arrow, running through the assured stretches of the plains on either side dotted with well-appointed showrooms of premium cars and bikes that included TATA, Mahindra, Honda, Toyota and several other billboards including that of the Sangai Festival. The festival was over last winter, but the boards were still there. The driver, an enthusiastic and stylish man in his early thirties, informed us that the Sangai Festival was one of the biggest annual festivals of Manipur and the sangai, an endangered antler and the mascot of the event, was found only in Manipur. As we drove down, he informed us that it was Tiddim Road, the Indo-Myanmar international road that went right into Tiddim in Myanmar. This road seemed one of the widest in any city in the Northeast. Manipur has a sense of space. Wide and vast, plain and fertile. No wonder when, just before India’s Independence in 1947, a section of the British officials proposed a Crown Colony6 comprising the Northeastern states including the Chittagong hill tracts (now in Bangladesh), and also parts of Burma, they wanted to develop Imphal with an international airport as the capital of that dream, to turn the city into the gateway to South East Asia. Imphal might well have turned into the Hong Kong of Northeast had the plan for the Crown Colony materialised. Being so close to Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam and Laos and the other South East Asian countries, Imphal, in fact, still has the geographical edge to become, with the right policy and planning, a major economic hub, a veritable ‘Mumbai of the Northeast’.

At the university we were the guests of Prof. Gambhir Singh of Manipur University who had arranged a three-wheeler tempo, a popular mode of transport in Imphal, to take us to CRT situated on the outskirts of the city. Our vehicle would take us to the CRT and bring us back after the show at around 8 pm at night, which was, by Imphal standards, rather quite late at night. The tempo rickshaw drove us through Imphal town. Our driver, Ranjit, a Meitei boy, who was also on a contractual job at the university, showed us the gate of the famed Kangla Fort. The roads in the central junction of the city had fancy cast iron railings like the ones one comes across in some parts of Calcutta. Contrary to our anticipation, downtown Imphal was not a sleepy pad, but rather a bustling city with a busy throng.

But as we proceeded, one thing struck us—the residential buildings had some common characteristics. Most of the multi-storied buildings were large, straight, and in terms of visual appeal quite banal, and noticeably, they mostly looked incomplete for most of them were not coloured as the outer walls were left without the final coat of plaster and the red bricks of the walls were left bare to tackle abrasion of weather by their own. Could it be the impact of protracted militancy that none wanted to be too visible in the vicinity? Coming from Shillong, where exquisitely designed houses are a common feature, Imphal looked rather plain in this respect. As we left behind the main city and entered the outskirts of Imphal, the landscape looked familiar, quite like that of the small towns in Assam—full of greenery, sprawling household campuses, betel nut groves and a pleasant but a bit humid climate. From the main road, our vehicle diverted to a gravel path that ran through the green fields on either side. Right at the junction, there was a Gate welcoming visitors to the All India Theatre Festival at the Chorus Repertory Theatre (CRT), one of Northeast India’s most legendary abodes of theatre. They call it the CRT Shrine. CRT is spread over a sprawling campus fortified by walls and many of the structures were still under construction. Entering through the first gate of the compound one comes across the first CRT building, an Assam-type, single-storeyed long structure. The compound was well-curated with several artistically designed artefacts and wood crafts including the publicity boards of the earlier productions of the CRT which were painted on the iron sheet boards signed by Ratan Thiyam. One could see the great artistic skill of the legendary theatre Director.  There were boards of Macbeth, Chakravyuha and also of Chinglon Mapan, Tampak Ama (Nine Hills One Valley). The last play is the part of the Manipur Trilogy along with Wahoudok (Prologue) and Hey Nongshibi Pritihivi (My Earth, My Love), which were competently translated by our friend Bijoykumar Tayenjam which is also part of the course that we teach in our university.

Before coming to Imphal we were constantly in touch with Mr. Dolendra, the Manager of CRT. He took us to his office and gave us the brochures and cards to watch the plays. When enquired about the possibility of meeting Ratan Thiyam, Mr. Dolendra, a thin bespectacled gentleman, was not quite sure when ‘Oja’ would come to the venue. He had introduced us to his son instead, Thawai—a handsome, energetic man with a smile. He showed us the compound, the CRT shrine where the festival was underway and also showed the tea stall if we wanted a break. When we asked him how to meet Ratan Thiyam, he was also a little evasive. He advised us to watch the play first and assured us of a possible appointment. He got busy with the arrangements. Suddenly there was a spell of rain, so we took shelter under the Shrine. But the CRT people were moving about with the usual pace from one building to another with their hats on without at all bothering about the rain. None even took an umbrella.

Just before the show began, Ratan Thiyam, the legend of Indian theatre, entered the venue. He came in a dark suit with a red silk square on his breast pocket. He was the most distinctive presence in the venue. Everybody approached him with veneration and greeted him with namaskar to which he responded just by his nodding head. He went toward the open tea stall and sat under a shed. Dolendra hastily went to him with a bunch of files and papers and they discussed for quite some time when we were cooling our heels to get a chance to introduce ourselves. But before we could go near him, he got up and moved towards the Shrine. He went in and disappeared. We noticed that somehow everybody maintained a respectable distance from him, everybody would become self-conscious if happened to cross his path, after all, he was such a towering presence in the theatre shrine.

We went inside the hall. It was an amphitheatre where the audience was to sit in the permanent gallery and the play was to be performed on the floor down below. The entire hall was covered with screens in Thiyam’s favourite colour—black. One of the major creative ambitions of Thiyam, as he said once, was to create the colour black in his productions (see Das, 2018). The scheduled play that evening was Panchajanya, a production by Nandikar of Rudraprasad Sengupta, another legendary figure of contemporary Indian theatre from Kolkata. In the play, Sohini Sengupta, daughter of Rudrapradad, was in the lead role to enact the role of Radha. Indian theatre in Eastern India is slowly making a transition from one generation to another. The play reinterpreted Krishna and his evolution from a pastoral hero to a major protagonist of grand politics and his subsequent entanglement with a devastating moral crisis. Here, Krishna is a humanised individual rather than a divine figure. This was an energetic, vibrant performance with a lot of interplay of colour and lights.

Sohni Sengupta, while speaking about the play confided that when they were preparing the play for the theatre festival at CRT, they were particularly attentive to infusing a lot of energy into the play, therefore they had improvised their performance with several elements from Ratan Thiyam’s poetics of theatre. The inclusion of the martial arts based on Manipuri thang ta to enact the fight sequences was one such improvisation.

After the show, we could meet Ratan Thiyam, who advised us to come the next day in the evening for the interview.

Image 1: The Chorus Repertory Theatre (CRT) at Imphal

We also met Thawai before leaving CRT for that evening. He was happy that we could get an appointment with his father. He also informed us that the closing play of the festival would be a CRT production; it could be either Urubhangam, one of the legendary productions directed by the Master, Ratan Thiyam or a new production, Dumb Waiter of Harold Pinter, directed by Thawai. But our preference was Urubhangam. He also told us that he had got his theatre training in Japan under the legendary theatre director of Asia, Tadashi Suzuki.

Image 2: On the entrance of CRT the boards of two famous plays are on display- Nine Hills One Valley and Chakravyuha

Coming out of the CRT we saw the tempo rickshaw of Ranjit waiting for us in front of the gate. It was about 8 pm at night and the roads were deserted. As we entered the city thoroughfare, most of the shutters were down barring a few medicine stores and other odd shops. But the empty roads looked fully decked up. In many places, they put up barricades on one side of the road and lit up the venue with bright lights, played loud music and the young boys and girls in their gorgeous phanek and traditional wear overtook the streets to dance. We stopped our vehicle and got down to watch the programmes. Ranjit informed us that the soiree would be on for long because it was a special time; it was time for the Sajibu Cheiraoba or the Sajibbu Nongma Panba festival. In between March and April, they celebrate the Manipuri or the Meitei New Year festival and organise programmes of dance and music in their respective localities. The overall mood all around was like that of Rongali Bihu in Assam when thousands throng the venues to celebrate the spring festival. Given the festive mood and the spontaneous community participation in the cultural programmes, it was difficult to imagine that this was one of the most ‘disturbed states’ of the country. Sajibu Cheiraoba is part of the indigenous faith of the Meiteis, the Sanamahi religion though Vaishnavism is the main religious order in Manipur. But in recent times there have been serious efforts to revive the rites and rituals of Sanamhai among the new generation. The cultural revival in Manipur has its impact on the script of Manipuri language too. The king of Manipur, Garib Nawaz (King Pamheiba) adopted Gaudiya Vaishnavism in the early 18th century under the influence of Shanti Das Gosain. This was the time when a large number of Puyas written in Manipuri script were burnt and the Bengali script was adopted for the language. However, the ancient script of Manipur, the Meitei Mayek, has been retrieved and restored in recent times.

The next morning, we went to the famous Ima Keithel—the Mother’s Market- also called the Nupi keithel or the Women’s Market. It was literally an all-women market. The huge market had only women shopkeepers who were selling an assortment of stuff and wares, from household implements to attractive Manipuri dresses, ornate puja items, exotic handicraft pieces, imported blankets, T-shirts, jackets and also the famous Manipuri mosquito nets. Most of the tourists while browsing through the market would get stuck with the mosquito nets as an unexpected discovery. Those shops were crowded with tourists and also families of army officials who were on a spree binge buying the mosquito nets. Some even called home to get the right count to pick up nets for each bed, as it were. Those mosquito nets were not ordinary ones; they looked straight from a royal bedroom. Those were so rich and luxuriant that it was almost impossible to avoid them. In fact, we saw such mosquito nets mostly in interior decoration magazines. Prices ranged from rupees one thousand to five thousand apiece and even more if it was customised for special occasions like weddings etc. We also ended up buying a couple of nets for ourselves. Manipur is also famous for blankets and many other foreign brands which were directly imported from Myanmar through the Moreh market at the Indo-Myanmar border. No wonder, the Manipuri youths are known as the brand-conscious fashionistas flaunting their imported haute couture.

Image 3: Ima Keithel (Mother’s market) or Nupi Keithel (Women’s market) in Imphal

Imphal is also the place where everything related to Govinda puja and Krishna samkirtan is greatly available. In fact, Imphal looks like a temple town where devotion to Krishna is quite evident in public spaces as women and young girls would sport tilak neatly drawn from the foreheads reaching to the tips of their noses. This was not meant only for some religious occasions but it was a part of the everyday formal dress code. One can feel that in public places without that tilak they might well feel a little awkward. There were plenty of shops selling high-quality brass wares. That part of the market looked like an extension of a temple compound where one could pick up assortments of puja items—ornate dresses for idols, brass lamps, bells, mandiras and so on.  The city of Imphal has its own rhythm as an abiding site performing life.

The Interview

As we reached the CRT a little early that day. Ratan Thiyam arrived at the venue in his trademark black suit and sat in his usual spot under a cottage-like shed when Mr. Dolendra came to him with files and papers. In the midst of their conversation, we proceeded to him. As Mr. Dolendra made room for us, we set up our camera and switched on the recorder to go ahead with the session.

Image 4:  Ratan Thiyam at CRT (2017)

Subhash Das: Indian theatre has come a long way. There have been major experiments in contemporary Indian theatre, especially in the form of Theatre of Roots,8 a movement of which you have been one of the major pioneers. How do you look at the contemporary theatre in India, including your own theatrical repertoire?

Ratan Thiyam: Well, I believe theatre is a continuous process; it is a laboratory where we as individuals, associated with theatre, keep exploring varied dimensions of the art form which, of course, keep evolving with the change of time. Therefore, you see, it cannot get stuck anywhere, it cannot be like stagnant water; it has to be always fresh and flowing.

Jyotirmoy Prodhani: How do you accomplish that?

RT: Theatre is not a casual engagement; it is a daily ritual. In order to keep theatre fresh, to bring in that fresh dimension and attitude, one needs to make it happen from within—one needs to keep the very thought process associated with theatre ever alive and dynamic. Theatre evolves through our sustained attachment to it, which does not get over at one particular juncture. One thing or one production, or one kind of exposition is not really enough to depict my ideas or can really portray my notion of theatre. So, you have to keep renewing your mode of engagement, you must have the agility to adopt and adapt to the changes. And I firmly believe in the changing dimensions of theatre. After all, theatre by nature is a medium of constant experimentation.

SD: How do you think the other components of theatre have led to the changing dimensions of its form?

RT: Theatre is a composite art form; a composite totality and every component here has its own modes of evolution and changes. You can see how, throughout the world, various art forms are undergoing changes and transformations. Theatre by default becomes a part of that dynamism, that mode of transformation. In fact, many other composite art forms are changing the world over, and theatre, as one of the composite art forms, is no exception. So, naturally, theatre reflects and will reflect, or any art form for that matter, those dynamics of changes. I mean, it strives to reach out to the elements of aesthetics all the time. For me, it is not really one kind of exposition or description that one should think of in terms of theatre. At least I don’t think so.

JP: Sir, how do you look at the Indian theatre now? After all, you Panikkar, Habib Tanvir, Badal Sircar, and others have been the pioneers in evolving a new kind of experiment in Indian theatre.

RT: I think technology has really come into Indian theatre though it has come very slowly, gradually; but now it is a sudden kind of advent of technology. And it has affected us in a big way. It is, I would say, a good thing, you know, and also a bad thing. I mean, merits and demerits of it, because, so far as the creativity in theatre is concerned, there may be technological advent with creativity; but at the same time, I believe, there should be a balance; there we need to work out to draw a balance between technology and human(e) qualities. That’s very important in order to understand art because art is all about, particularly in theatre and performance by human beings. It cannot be overshadowed by technology.

SD: In your plays violence is a recurring motif that keeps coming back to your plays, to your interpretations of experiences where Manipur is also one of the major recurring images. How do you think, over the years, your plays could affect this very consciousness, i.e., the Manipuri consciousness vis-à-vis the lived realities of the place and the people…

RT: It is not really only Manipur; it is about the entire human race, you see. The turmoil is everywhere, in any portion of this world, which is really violent. And one has to think about it because it is not something that is happening far away from us, at a distance, somewhere in another country. It is not. It affects us with its impact, the kind of vibration, the violent vibration, that we are getting around is very dangerous. So, one has to be very much aware and alert (and) which would naturally find reflections in various productions, in various art forms, and in cultural expressions. In fact, everywhere. If it is not, it is not like the time when entire Europe or even the oriental factor in the Orient had expressed common concerns. The impressionist or expressionist painters were coming up. The kind of paintings that artists like Pablo Picasso did were something to protest against the war. They reflected the time in their paintings irrespective of whether something was good or not very good at that point in time but they tried to reflect their anxieties and experiences in their art, in their paintings, in various expressions of culture. They also came to the theatre, opera…., in everything, you see. Therefore, it is very natural that it automatically finds its reflections in our minds which is also an expression of the time.

JP: Epic is one of the most powerful and profound metaphors in your plays as you keep reinterpreting the epics, the epic motifs. How do you relate your experiences of the epic to that of modern theatre?

RT: See, epic is a very big thing It carries many dimensions. So, when you work with an epic that means you can work with the multifaceted dimensions that unfold layers after layers. Therefore, it is exciting and you try to portray its varied nuances and aspects through the portrayal of its characters. These characters are really very, very strong. They are a powerful lot of characters that emerge in the epics, whether it is in the Mahabharata or in the Ramayana. All these aspects are enormously interesting. Human beings or human civilizations though often thought to have changed a lot, I don’t think the human mind has travelled that far. It remains a kind of mind that dwells in many aspects of the epics. Therefore, we enjoy the epics; they make such an impact upon us. It talks about morality, high moral values, it talks about philosophy, it talks about arts, it talks about everything. So, it becomes an important imperative to explore the idea of an epic. If one is exploring that, I think it’s a beautiful thing.

He stood up as one of the CRT guys came and informed that the play was about to start.  He politely took leave, “I think I have to leave now. The play is about to begin. Don’t forget to watch our play tomorrow, if you are around.”

***

The play that evening was Tumhara Vincent directed by Satyabrata Rout of Rangakalpa from Hyderabad. The highlight of the play was the recreation of the yellow sunflowers of Vincent van Gogh all over the stage through the use of light and cloth props that depicted not only the creations of Van Gogh but also the artist’s intense struggles against the dehumanising tentacles of capitalism. After the play, Prof. Rout informed the audience that there was a major glitch as one of their actors could not come beyond Guwahati and failed to arrive at Imphal that morning. Therefore, her part was enacted by one of the actors from CRT who was prepared barely a few hours before the show and she acted impeccably. Prof. Rout praised the rigorous training regime in the CRT developed by Ratan Thiyam.

As we came out of the show, Thawai informed us that the next day, as the closing act, it would be Urubhangam and not his play, The Dumb Waiter, as he was too busy to be with the team to prepare for the play next evening. So, they had settled for Urubhangam, which the actors knew by heart, like the back of their hands to pull off the play at any time.

Urubhangam

It was the sixth and the last day of the Theatre Festival. We were inside the packed CRT Shrine. The thespian arrived. It was his play today. Bhasha’s Urubhangam. This play by Thiyam is an iconic play in the history of modern Indian theatre. This is one of the major plays often cited as an example of what the theatre critics Suresh Awasthi and Richard Schechner defined as the Theatre of Roots – post-independent India’s most significant theatre movement. Ratan Thiyam, Ebrahim Alkazi, K.N. Panikkar, Habib Tanvir, B.V. Karanth and others were the major exponents of this movement that had picked up in the ‘70s. This was a movement in search of a form of its own as the Indian theatre was in an urgent need to invent an indigenous theatrical form by liberating itself from the dominant Western mode of theatrical representation. Theatre could have been one of the most effective discourses to achieve post-independent India’s cultural goal of decolonisation.

The last show of the festival was dedicated to another legendary theatre director from Manipur, H. Kanhailal, who had expired the previous year in 2016. The opening play of the festival was Kanhailal’s one of the most celebrated plays, Pebet. The play was one of his early productions, first performed in 1975. Theatre critic Rustom Bharucha (1999) had described the plays of Kanhailal as ‘Poor Theatre’ However, Kanhailal preferred to call his theatre the ‘Theatre of the Earth’ (qtd. in Prodhani, 2014). Pebet is a rare bird found in Manipur, smaller than a sparrow. The director used the bird as a metaphor to depict the contemporary social and political crisis of his state. The most striking aspect of the play was the unique mode of theatrical narrative that Kanhailal had developed through this play which eventually turned out to be the hallmark of his theatre. Kanhailal was everything what Ratan Thiyam is not. Though intense and evocative, unlike Thiyam, Kanhailal’s plays are stark and spartan, distinctively marked by the conspicuous absence of the luxurious play of lights or elaborate costumes. His theatre abode, Kalakshetra Manipur, is another important theatre school of contemporary theatre in Imphal.

Urubhangam of Thiyam, on the other hand, represents the quintessential creative vigour of Ratan Thiyam. The classical Sanskrit play by Bhasha depicted the last few days of Duryodhana after he was defeated by Bhima through an unfair battle. The invincible Duryodhana was hit below the belt by Bhima at the instigation of Krishna, violating the rule of the game. In the duel with maces, at the instigation of Krishna, Bhima had hit Duryodhana on his thighs, which was against the basic principles of war. Unprepared for such an enormous violation of the fundamental ethics of battle by his adversary, Duryodhana fell to the ground. With broken thighs, he was lying in a remote corner of the vast Kurukshetra battleground. His young son, Durjaya, his wives and his parents, Gandhari and Dhritarashtra, would come looking for their father, husband and son. Every dramatic moment was intensified by the beating of the drum, the only musical instrument used to complement the moods of the scenes as the background score, be it the fights, moments of melancholy, despair, anger and also joy and divine solace. The actors not only used the traditional costume but extensively incorporated the mudras and gestures from the classical Manipuri dance, Raas Leela. The fight sequences were enacted through the prolific display of thang ta, an indigenous martial art tradition of Manipur. This is one of the signature plays of Ratan Thiyam in terms of its stylistics—particularly the use of light, colour and costume. As opposed to Kanhailal, the productions of Ratan Thiyam are visual extravaganzas, which he achieved not by using opulent settings but through its poetic plasticity—subtle manipulations of lights. In fact, his son Thawai had confided that he had learnt the art and trick of using light from his father. From him, he had learnt to be audacious enough to break ‘the grammar of lighting’. The last scene of the play, when Duryodhana, along with his other brothers, would travel to heaven in a chariot flown by swans, was a visual treat, superbly enduring; it looked like an VFX illusion of a film, though Thiyam had used just blue shades and the arms of the actors. The performance constantly underlined its innate recalcitrance to be re-created in another location without the cultural hinterland of Manipur. This is one of the fundamental achievements of the Theatre of Roots movement that could attain an essentially Indian identity by incorporating its roots as an integral component of the poetics of performance.

Image 5: A scene from Thiyam’s Urubhangam (2017)

After the play, when we met Ratan Thiyam, he asked us how the play was. We told we lost our words when we watched the final scene of the play, it was mesmerising, like a dream. Ratan Thiyam smiled in response and quipped, “This play I had designed thirty years ago. The play is still fresh. This is the magic of an epic.”

Image 6: The last scene of Thiyam’s Urubhangam (2017)

When we left Imphal the next day, we felt like just having completed a pilgrimage. As our flight took off, we looked down from above and was wondering how this land of nine hills and one valley nurtured such great cultural figures who were so renowned all over the world yet so rooted in their native land.

Notes:

1 Ima Keithel (mother’s market) or Nupi Keithel (women’s market) is a unique market in Imphal where all the shop owners are women. This market has been there since the 16th century when it was mandatory for the male members to serve in the royal army. Since the husbands were away for months on the battlefields, the women had to take over the economic activity to keep their hearth burning. This is ironic in the present context that following militancy and the repressive regime of the armed forces, the male folks are away when the women are taking charge of their households. The market has a symbolic significance in the present context as well.

2 In several states in India alcohol is prohibited which are known as the ‘dry states’ where consumption of alcohol is seen as an ‘immoral’ act. But in the Northeastern states, prohibitions are mainly imposed to curtail alcohol abuse. However, in states like Manipur substance abuse has become a major concern now.

The Armed Forces (Special Power) Act is an Act promulgated in 1958 in the form of an ordinance and was imposed in Manipur on 22 May 1958. Later it was passed as an Act by the Indian parliament. As per the provisions of the Act the armed forces are equipped with extraordinary power to maintain order in the areas designated as ‘disturbed areas’ without being accountable to any state authority including the state governments. There were several allegations of massive human rights violations. One of the most controversial incidents was the alleged rape and killing of Thanjam Manorama by the Indian Armed forces on 11 July, 2004 on the sheer suspicion of being a cadre of a banned militant outfit, People’s Liberation Army (PLA).

4 On 14 July 2004, 12 imas (mothers) disrobed themselves in front of the Kangla Fort, which was the Assam Rifles headquarters, holding banners that screamed “Indian Army Rape Us” as a desperate protest against the alleged killing of Thangjam Manorama and atrocities on other women by the armed forces, which Simrin Sirur described as the incident that “shook India and transformed the state forever”. (https://theprint.in/india/17-years-since-their-naked-protest-against-army-mothers-of-manipur-say-fight-not-over-yet/700093.)

5 Inner Line Permit (ILP) is a special permit required by an Indian citizen to travel to the protected areas within India. It is required for three Northeastern states- Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland and Mizoram. The ILP for Manipur was introduced in 2018 and became duly operational in 2020. Another Northeastern state, Meghalaya, is also demanding ILP protection.

6 In around 1941, just about six years before India’s Independence in 1947, four top British Indian Civil Service officials proposed at the highest level the formation of a Crown Colony after India’s Independence. The colony was proposed to comprise the tribal states of Northeast India including Arunachal Pradesh (which was then known as North Eastern Frontier Agency or NEFA), Nagaland, Mizoram (Lushai Hills) and also Manipur, Tripura, Chittagong as well as the tribal areas of Burma or present Myanmar. They proposed to make Imphal, the capital of Manipur, the capital of the colony with an international airport. (see On the Edge of Empire: Four British Plans for North East India, 1941–1947  by David Siyemlieh, 2013)

7 Chorus Repertory Theatre (CRT) was established by Ratan Thiyam in the year 1976 at Imphal on a two-acre sprawling campus. CRT is known for having developed a specific theatre tradition that has incorporated several indigenous elements including native Manipuri dance forms (Lao Haraoba, Raas Leela, Mridhangam et al) Manipuri martial arts (Thang ta), several aspects of the Sanamahi, the indigenous spiritual order of Manipur and so on. The theatre tradition developed by Ratan Thiyma has become one of the abiding examples of the Theatre of Roots movement.

The term Theatre of Roots was first introduced by the drama critic Suresh Awasthi in his celebrated essay published in the TDR, “Theatre of Roots: Encounter with Tradition” (1989). About the movement, the noted theatre critic Erin B. Mee writes, “After Independence in 1947, in their efforts to create an ‘Indian’ theatre that would be aesthetically different from the Westernized theatre established during the colonial era and prevalent in urban areas at the time, Indian theatre practitioners ‘returned’ to their ‘roots’ in classical dance, religious ritual, martial arts, popular entertainment and Sanskrit aesthetic theory.” (see her essay, “The Theatre of Roots: Redirecting the Modern Indian Stage”)   The theatre directors associated with the movement were Ebrahim Alkazi, K.M. Panikkar, Habib Tanvir, Badal Sircar et al. (see Awasthi, 1989)

References

Awasthi, Suresh. (1989) ‘“Theatre of Roots” Encounter with tradition. The Drama Review, Vol. 33, No. 4 (Winter, 1989), pp. 48-69 (22 pages), MIT Press DOI: 10.2307/1145965. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1145965.

Bharucha, Rustom. (1992). The theatre of Kanhailal: Pebet & Memoirs of Africa. Seagull Books.

Das, Subhash, C. (2018). History, Myth, Violence and Hope: A Critical Study of the Select Plays of Ratan Thiyam. PhD Thesis, NEHU, Shillong, 2018. Unpublished.

Das, Subhash, C. (2016). “Reinventing identity: Theatre of roots and Ratan Thiyam”. The NEHU Journal, Vol XIV, No. 1, January – June 2016, pp. 105-116. ISSN. 0972 – 8406

Kanhailal, H. (2015). “I call my theatre as the ‘Theatre of the Earth’”. An interview by J.  Prodhani in NEZine. https://www.nezine.com

Prodhani, J. (2014). “Theatre of the Earth” in Shillong Times, 27 July.

Siyemlieh, David. (2013). On the Edge of Empire: Four British Plans for North East India, 1941–1947. Sage. 

Thiyam, Ratan. (2008). Manipur Trilogy. Tr. T. Bijoykumar Singh. Wordsmith.

Thiyam, Ratan. (1999). “Ratan Thiyam: A man with a peace mission” (Interview) with North East News Agency (NENA) in Oriental Times, Vol. 1, Issue 42-43, 22 March-6 April. http://www.nenanews.com. (12.5.2012). 

Thiyam, Ratan. (2009). “Art has always been surrounded by strife”. Interview with Nirmala Ravindran and Sujay Saple in Infochange India. 2009, http://infochangeindia.org.  (02.09.2012).

Subhash Chandra Das is an Associate Professor in the Department of English at B.H. College, Assam (Gauhati University). He teaches modern drama, poetry, classical theory and American literature. He did PhD on the plays of Ratan Thiyam from NEHU, Shillong, India.

Jyotirmoy Prodhani is Professor and Head of the Department of English at North-Eastern Hill University (NEHU), Shillong, Meghalaya, (India). His published books include Creativity and Conflict in the Plays of Sam Shepard, Culture, Ethnicity and Identity: A Reader (Ed), Madhupur Bohudoor (Translation of Assamese short stories of Sheelahadra), This Land This People (Translation of Rajbanshi poetry).  

 

Book Review: The Inheritance of Words: Writing from Arunachal Pradesh by Mamang Dai (ed.)

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Publishers: Zubaan. Date of Publication: 2021. Language: English. Number of pages: 186. Price: Rs 495/- $20. ISBN No. 978 81 94760 53 5

Reviewed by
Preetinicha Barman
Women’s College (NEHU), Shillong, India. Email: preetinichabarman@gmail.com

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022. Pages 1-7. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne45

First published: June 30, 2022 | AreaNortheast India | LicenseCC BY-NC 4.0

(This review is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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Mamang Dai, one of the most eminent literary voices from Northeast India, compiles a unique collection of writings and creative expressions exclusively by women authors and artists from Arunachal Pradesh. The collection, aptly titled Inheritance of Words, includes short fiction, poetry, essays, artworks, and graphic narratives by women belonging to various ethnic communities of Arunachal Pradesh which is home to many indigenous tribes like Adi, Apataini, Galo, Nyishi, Monpa, Mishmi, Aka and so on. Some of the authors included are well-known and a number of them are quite young, still struggling with the trepidation to bring out their first volume. The rich and diverse land of Arunachal is also a land of many indigenous languages which are primarily oral but vibrant and at the same time, some of them stare at the steady shrinking and receding of their languages. As Yater Nyokir points out in an essay of the book, there are 25 tribes and 90 languages spoken in Arunachal. Nyokir also points out that despite such plurality, there is one ‘common feature’, that is they are ‘great storytellers’ (p.158). The orality of the indigenous language has provided deeper and intense linkages with their folkways and native mores and, in a very significant way, it is the ethereal nuances of sounds of their words, and not necessarily the visuals of the graphemes as in the case of the written languages, are what the communities have inherited as part of their cultural heirloom; hence this is an ‘inheritance of words’. In the absence of a written script, the literary writing from Arunachal, in its early years, used to be primarily in Assamese, which used to be the lingua franca following long geo-historical proximities between Assam and the northern valleys, the territory which the colonial administrators described as the North East Frontier Agency (NEFA) and later became Arunachal Pradesh. Two of the famous writers emerged from Arunachal telling the tales of their land and people are Lummer Dai and Yeshe Dorjee Thongshi who used to write in Assamese and have won several prestigious literary awards and honours. Later, this frontier state produced some of the most powerful authors who have chosen English as the preferred language of their literary expressions. Sahitya Akademi award-winning author Mamang Dai is the most prominent among them. Hindi is relatively a recent phenomenon in the state when the Indian government initiated the move to spread the language in a frontier state of the country apparently to bring the region closer to the mainland. A number of authors have come up now who write in this newly introduced language.   In her introduction, Mamang Dai writes, “This is a story of story, one of many to explain the absence of a script among the Arunachal tribes” (p. 1). She describes the book as the “first of its kind because it brings together the diverse voices of Arunachali women writing in English and Hindi” (p.2). Though the authors belong to various tribal categories, with indigenous languages of their own, their writing in English and Hindi, two of the acquired languages, quite efficiently represent the native cultural realities.

The diversity of their ethnic identities has not necessarily made the writings effectively distant from each other, rather there are resonances of similarities in their writings and expressions. The poems included are by poets belonging to various tribal identities, yet they reflect similar emotive nuances and intensity. There are celebrations and disquiets of womanhood and at the same time, the poems also go beyond the limits of gender boundaries to peek into the psychic realms of men as well. The first poem of the volume, “A Man I Know” by Samy Moyong  speaks of a man’s efforts to conceal his heart amidst sorrows:

He puts on a mask when asked of his day

And talks of everything but himself

He calls himself evil but acts like a human

Confusing himself and all others. (p. 12)

Her next poem, “I Am”, is a bold assertion of a woman against turmoil and brutal repression that she resists with powerful idioms:

Before you dismiss me as a mere being

Someone you could trample crush and kill

I just want you to know

That I was a candle in the woods

Burning bright in an aura of my own.  (p. 13)

Moyong asserts to turn her body into a site of amorous freedom as well as into a badge of preservation, “When all you can think of is about the pleasure/ Of that extended flesh hanging between your thighs/ I wish the vagina could bite” (p. 15)

While speaking about the body, Toril Moi writes, “The body is at once what we are and the medium through which we are able to have a world” (p.5). Moi refers to Simone de Beauvoir where she rejects the Cartesian ‘body/ mind split’ (p. 4). Tolum Chumchum positions herself beyond this range of Cartesian solipsism and speaks of her body to unravel it as a site of her unabashed self by enunciating the affinities between her feminity and her biological body. Therefore, in her poem, “The Darkest 5 days”, she candidly confides in one of the intimate pains that she suffers every month following menstruation. Both the physical discomfort and the social taboos make those five ‘5 days’ more poignant and acute:

There you show up again redhead huh?

Blossoming on my sheets

Like a barrel of red wine

Between my leg

……………………..

My stomach bloats

My head throbs

My limbs ache

The cry of my body

Like a cooking show going, on my belly   (p. 89)

 Doirangsi Kri’s “Little Life” presents the joy of childbirth which is universal and personal at the same time, uniquely experienced only by a woman. Compared to this “Offspring” written by Ayinam Ering is rather a critique of the social expectation of at least one male child. There are short poems like Kolpi Dai’s “Which Part of Me” that presents two contradictory images of universal womanhood — one introvert and the other extrovert. Long poems like Ngurang Reena’s “My Ane’s Tribal Love Affair” portrays the ‘first wife’ of a patriarch, who is pushed to the margins by her society. The poetic persona asks her ‘Ane’ (mother) after the death of her father to start thinking about herself and finding a partner to grow old together with, instead of cursing her ‘God Donyi Polo’ (p. 43).

The poems of Rebom Belo, Ponung Ering Angu, Nomi Maga Gumro, Omili Borang, Tunung Tabing are deeply personal, and reflective of the psychic state against specific junctures of moments haunted by the nostalgia for home, its ‘hearth’, customs and rituals, landscape and seasons. Such metaphors also recur in the poems of Jamuna Bini (translated from Hindi), Gyati T.M. Ampi, Mishimbu Miri and Chasoom Bosai. As in Hélèn Cixous’ Medusa (“The Laugh of Medusa”), from whose head snakes dangle symbolizing the different forms of the female self, the feminine images deflect off these scripted texts. They are vivid, self-assured, and yet bogged down by social codes.

Ayinam Ering’s “I Am a Tree” is perhaps one of the most powerful eco-feminist poems ever written, the poem gains further significance and power since it is written by one whose authentic intimacy with nature is more immediate and deeper. She writes:

I am a tree

I’m strong. I’m steady.

So what if autumn turns my leaves yellow?

So what if the assailant wind strips all my branches bare?

I’m still alive from inside,

and I possess the strength

to spread greenery again.  (p.43)

The prose pieces of this volume vary from tales to memoirs to critical essays. The essays, “Indigenous Tribal Languages of North East India: Strategies for Revitalization” by Toku Anu and “Linguistic Transitions” by Yaniam Chukhu express the concern at the growing disappearance of the indigenous languages of Arunachal Pradesh. Toku Anu expresses a premonition that the Bugu and Sherdukpen languages with just about 3000 speakers left might as well disappear soon with the last generation of speakers still holding on to it. Yaniam Chuku, a native Nyishi speaker, finds himself in an ironic situation when even to complete a Nyishi sentence she has to depend on English or Hindi as a ‘desperate crutch’ (p. 120). She also points out how the speakers of Hrusso Aka language are fast dwindling.  A similar view is expressed in the story “The Spectre Dentist” by Millo Ankha where the protagonist ponders over the disharmony between the spatial and linguistic identity of an Arunachali. Ironically, this is one crucial issue that the book encounters as it itself is a compilation of writings in English and Hindi translated into English, though composed by the native Arunachalis having distinctive tribal languages of their own. Referring to Ng?g? wa Thing’o’s concept of ‘orature’, Toku Anu has brought in a number of references to certain other linguists who insist on the importance of oral literature. Like Ng?g? wa Thing’o, they also feel that the imposition of non-native languages is hegemonic and detrimental to the native languages. Yaniam Chukhu laments, “Unlike Nagamese, an increasing number of families in Arunachal are resorting to this Arunachali Hindi over their mother tongue, even in private spaces. Amongst the young generation it has taken over as the preferred language over one’s indigenous tongue even within the same community” (p. 125). However, Anu looks forward to the prospects of the newly developed Wancho script and hopes that the emergence of such new scripts would suit the languages and literature of different tribes of Arunachal. In a similar optimistic tone Yater Nyokir in her “Bards from Dawn-lit Mountains” gives an account of literature produced by the Arunachalis and underlines the importance of literature written by the Arunachali author  n Assamese, English and now in Hindi which is, as she points out, is just a 20th-century phenomenon with a handful of writers. But they have been able to draw great attention and recognition through awards and honours which speak of their ‘versatility’ (p. 162).

Orature has a strong presence in the narrative imagination of Arunachal Pradesh. Mishimbu Miri’s memoir “Revelations from Idu Mishmi Hymns” narrates ancient lore of the Idu Mishmis that the author learnt from her father who was a shaman himself; so is in Tongam Rina’s “The Interpreter of Dreams” which records the reminiscences of her grandmother who could interpret dreams. When Leki Thungon’s “Doused Flames” refers to the sleepwalkers called Zekumus, Ing Perme’s “A Ballad of the Adi Tribe” refers to the dirges and the world of the spirits. The closing text of the book, an interview (“The Summit”) conducted by Mamang Dai with Tine Mena, the first woman from Arunachal Pradesh to have climbed Mount Everest, reflects the same kind of beliefs on the spirit world from the point of view of a mountaineer.

Significantly, the tales and the memoirs tend to present themes quite similar to those of the poems. “Night and I” presents very personal reflections of the author Nellie N. Manpoong when the question of feminism emerges through the stories of Ronnie Nido’s “The Tina Ceiling” and Ponung Ering Angu’s “Among the Voices in the Dark”. While the need for a female space in the socio-political sphere is highlighted in “The Tina Ceiling”; the image of the oppressed womanhood crushed by the age-old patriarchal customs is poignantly depicted in “Among the Voices in the Dark”. “The Spirit of the Forest” by Subi Taba tells the tale of how nature, in the form of thunder, avenges the perpetrators who had set the forest on fire in order to plunder the resources. This reminds one of similar wildfire caused by men that spread in the Amazon forests which generated huge concern over environmental sustainability throughout the world.

The artworks and the photographs featured in the book are an exquisite juxtaposition of art and written texts reminding one of the ancient Chinese poetry-paintings, the Medieval Persian miniatures, Japanese Haiga-Haiku combinations, as well as the arts of the Pre-Raphaelites, especially the intricate pencil works of Bahnu Tatak. Bhanu Tatak’s art is a celebration of details that reflect the extraordinary mastery of the artist to confidently freak out with ink. “Home is This and Much More” is Stuti Mamen Lowang’s collage of sketches that evocatively captures the oscillation between the warmth of hearths and the hopes for the familiar homes interspersed with the uncanny visitations of terror and violence. After a brief introduction to her sketches, “Tradition: An Illusion of Continuance”, Rinchin Choden presents her artworks accompanied by commentaries on the intrusive challenges of modernity to the settled landscape of tradition.

The silver lining in the dark cloud of modernity. The mother, the home and the solace where we first learn about tradition. We need to respect her and learn from her about the outside world. Her warm embrace teaches us not to falter in the face of adversity. (Rinchin Choden, p. 27)

The photo essay of Karry Padu under the title, “I Am Property” critiques the concept of the patriarchal imperatives imposed on a woman to be a living mannequin of exotica to deck herself up with the material markers of tradition. Significantly, in the images where the woman figure is seen embellished with traditional costume and ornaments, her face is conspicuously outside the frame of the composition underlining the process of reducing a woman into an impersonal display unit where her individual self is redundant.  This gets more evident from one of the accompanying verses that run as “When I was young, I had no idea how important it was to be a tribal woman…/ I am its daughter, this land owns me. / I am its property” (p.109).

Figure 1: The Wrap

The book is unique in its structural planning which is a celebration of womanhood in totality as it is a collection of writings and art by women, edited by a woman, translators are women, and published by a publication house dedicated to providing the much-needed platform to the women who want their voices to be heard. The captivating editorial introduction by Mamang Dai is followed by the assorted texts, images, and notes on contributors and a glossary as the postscripts. The varied genres assume individual spaces but they reflect a thematic coherence letting the readers an assured transition from one genre to another exploring the plurality of the land flowing through the works of the women of Arunachal.  Despite being by only women, the collection never devolves into tedious overlapping of perspectives. However, one limitation of the book might be the reticence in the ‘Notes on the Contributors’ section to provide the ethnic affiliations of the individual authors, which might well have been deliberate obfuscation on the part of the editor, nevertheless, one is sure that many might have this anthropological curiosity to know little more about the authors though, in a number of texts, the specific tribal identity of the writers is rater explicitly visible. However, Ponung Ering Angu’s “Dying Lights” provides a metaphoric lead to summarise the collective longing of the poets who, against the certainty of changes aspire to nurture their belongings in the assured horizons of the past:

            As the dawn breaks over and the darkness dies

            Things are easy but nothing ever lasts

            Oh the love, the strength and our enduring will

            Are struck somewhere in the walls of a past.  (p. 33)      

A book from Northeast featuring poems, essays, memoirs, art and photos all by women from one state, is the only one of its kind. Mamang Dai has made a historic contribution to help the women’s writings from her state achieve a new level of distinctive visibility to reach out to readers not only across India but also all over the world. This is a book one must possess.

Reference

Beauvoir, Simone de. (2015). The second sex. Vintage Classics.

Cixous, Hélène. (1976). The Laugh of the Medusa. Tr. Keith Cohen and Paula Cohen. Signs.  Summer. Vol. 1, No. 4 (Summer, 1976), pp. 875-893. University of Chicago Press Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3173239.

Moi, Toil. (1999). “I am a Woman”: The body as background in the second sex. Journal Paroles gelées, 17(2) ISSN 1094-7264. DOI 10.5070/PG7172003099

Preetinicha Barman is an Assistant Professor of English at Women’s College (NEHU), Shillong who did her Ph.D. on the works on Orhan Pamuk. Apart from research articles, she has also published her poems in English and Rajbanshi languages. Her published books include Orhan Pamuk: A Critical Reading and Aiyor Photok, a collection of her Rajbanshi poems. She is also a classical Manipuri Dancer.   

The Politics of Cultural Homogenization and Territorialization: Representation of Northeast in Tinkle’s WingStar Series

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Renu Elizabeth Abraham

Dept of English and Cultural Studies, Christ University, Bengaluru, India. Email: renu.elizabeth@christuniversity.in

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022. Pages 1-12. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne33

First published: June 30, 2022 | AreaNortheast India | LicenseCC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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Abstract

Tinkle, the children’s magazine in English in India has been instrumental in shaping the imagination of the young urban Indian child ever since its inception in 1980. No other magazine has the readership and reach that Tinkle enjoys with a circulation of more than 3 lakh. The fact that Tinkle has survived unlike many other magazines in India for 40 odd years is testimony (marketing strategies aside) of its reach and popularity. Tinkle, ever since the days of its founder-editor Anant Pai, has been instrumental in constructing “imagined communities” of national identities for children in India over the decades since the 1970s ever since the Amar Chitra Kathas. One such attempt in constructing children’s imaginaries is the addition of a series Wing Star in 2015, scripted by Sean D’mello and inked by Vineet Nair that features Mapui Kawlim, a 13-year-old superhero from Aizwal, Mizoram. While it is empowering that a national mainstream popular magazine for children would feature a female superhero from among the less represented Northeastern states, what is problematic, according to this study, is the manner in which there has been a conscious erasure of all markers of her ethnicity by appropriating her into the larger mainstream homogenised pan-Indian identity of a young female superhero with no specific markers to represent the culture she belongs to. This study will attempt to read this ‘sanitised’ representation of a Northeastern superhero in the light of the idea of cultural appropriation and deterritorialization and reterritorialization posited by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari that looks at the erasure of specific ethnic and other identities markers. This study will also engage with the implications of how ‘sanitised’ representations like this in popular narratives would construct and homogenise the imaginaries of the children of a country as they would grow up with erroneous notions of cultural ethnicities and diversity within the country adding to the problematics of marginalisation and hegemonic nationalities.  

Keywords: Cultural appropriation, homogenization, WingStar, Tinkle, Northeast, reterritorialization, identity politics

Introduction

Children’s Literature in English in India is a domain that has been immensely popular.  Children’s magazines have played a formative role in the development of indigenous narratives for children in India. Children’s magazines are periodicals published on a weekly, fortnightly, monthly, bi-annual, quarterly or bi-monthly basis and are important sources of education and entertainment for the intellectual development of a child. These publications are targeted at children and preteens around the ages of 4 to 16 years. Children’s magazines in India can be loosely classified as educational and edutainment magazines. About the educational magazines of children, R.E. Abraham writes:

(they focus on) developing the academic and professional skills of the children in terms of knowledge development, domain expertise, self-learning skills, current affairs and enhancing their global perspectives. They attempt to do it through fun and often concentrate on the academic development of the children….The second variety of children’s magazines were of the edutainment variety…. These magazines concentrated on the holistic development of the children through developing their creative skills, academic skills, personal, interpersonal and societal skills. (Abraham, 2018, Chapter 3, pp. 23-24)

Ever since the inception of Chandamama in 1947, the magazine made a niche for themselves within the Indian households. The English version of the magazine came out in 1955 followed by Children’s World from Children’s Book Trust in 1957. These magazines attempted to engage the children in India with indigenous mythologies and folk tales along with fables and other stories for children. These magazines were followed by Champak (1968), Amar Chitra Kathas (1969), Pran’s Comics, Lotpot, Target (1979), Tinkle and Gokulam (1980) and many others like Children’s Digest, Magic Pot, Chatterbox, Thinkling, Impulse Hoot and Toot, Heek, Mira, Active Kids, Dimdima, Young Bhaskar and Brain Tonic. Over the last few years, some scholarly interest has grown to locate children’s literature in India and its representational ethos but almost no research has emerged in the field of magazines for children in India, except for a very few articles on the subject such as “Acculturation and holistic development in children in India: Educative possibilities of children’s edutainment magazines in English” (2020) and a monograph on Children’s edutainment magazines in English in India: An overview (2018) both by R E Abraham. Scholarship has emerged around Hindi children’s magazines earlier through the works like Nandini Chandra’s Siting childhood: A study of children’s magazines in Hindi 1920-50 (2001).

Among these edutainment magazines, Tinkle: Where learning meets fun was the first all-comic children’s magazine to emerge in India and to this day it remains one of the most widely circulated, read and accepted magazines for children in India with content that is original and not traditional in nature. Original, here, denotes work that is written by Indian authors targeted at children and not based on pre-texts like mythologies, folk tales and bowdlerisations of classics or other existing literature. Tinkle was the culmination of Anant Pai’s vision of a magazine that would aid children’s development in terms of cultural and social capital (to borrow Pierre Bourdieu’s terms) and was the brainchild of Subbu Rao, who was Amar Chitra Katha’s Associate Editor at the time (Abraham, 2018, Chapter 3, p. 47). Through strategic marketing and word-of-mouth publicity Tinkle rose to an almost cult status among urban and semi-urban English-speaking children in the 1980s and 1990s. The magazine was for its time a massive 72-page comic meant to entertain and inform. The magazine targeted the whole-person development of a child through stories of informative and scientific content like the Anu Club series, fun and moral development through the Kalia series and the Tantri the Mantri series, comic and slapstick through the Suppandi series and the like. With the advent of the satellite television and consequent development of television content for children in India, Tinkle developed e-media strategies like developing e-content through video games and MUDS (Multi-user Domains) and MOOS (MUDS Object-Oriented) early in the late 2000s and has currently diversified into developing animated content on Youtube and the Tinkle Online Comics with their flagship characters like Shikhari Shambu, Tantri the Mantri, Suppandi and many others. Over a period of time Tinkle has diversified and revamped its characters and content to suit contemporary concerns and developments in society. One such development is the addition of the WingStar series to the array of stories stabled in Tinkle.

This study, as indicated earlier will examine the WingStar series collection, volumes 1 and 2 that were serialized as episodic narratives in Tinkle from 2015-2020. WingStar is the eponymous title of a female superhero comic series featuring Mapui Kawlim, a 13-year old preteen, as a superhero from Aizwa in Mizoram. The writer is Sean D’mello and the artist is Vineet Nair (who is also the Deputy Art Director of Tinkle). While the initiative was praised by the media as being an important move in representing voices from the North East, it also drew flak from a lone voice, in an online feature in The Caravan magazine by Sukruti Anah Staneley, “Looking East: Tinkle’s depiction of its new superhero from the Northeast has a long way to go” (2016). The article clearly pointed out the problematics of universalization, generalisation, lack of research to authenticate identities and information, and tokenism in the name of inclusion. In this study in order to understand the representational politics that is operational in the creation and dissemination of this narrative to the masses in India and why such consciously sanitised narratives could do untold damage in contemporary Indian society given the climate of exclusion and dissidence that is growing in the country, I will extend Staneley’s observation and locate it within the academic imperatives of understanding children’s literature in the Indian context. Homogenising an ethnic culture through the purposeful erasure of its identity markers will not be inclusive or cater to diversity but rather promote a culture of exclusion and stigmatisation that emerges out of a forgetting that does not recognise differences.

Theoretical Frameworks

While it is empowering that a national, mainstream popular magazine for children would feature a female superhero from among the less represented North-Eastern states, what is problematic is the manner in which there has been a conscious erasure of all markers of her ethnicity by appropriating her into the larger mainstream, homogenised pan-Indian identity of a young female superhero with no specific markers other than her name and facial features to represent her ethno-cultural context. This sanitization and appropriation is examined with the help of E. W. Holland’s reinterpretation of the frameworks of cultural appropriation and deterritorialization posited by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari and also locating it within discourses of nationalism and nationhood as formulated by Michael Billig. The purposeful manner in which WingStar is constructed results in the erasure of specific ethnic, regional and other identity markers that reiterate and specify ethnic and regional identities alongside spatial orientations. This study will also engage with the implications of how conscious ‘sanitised’ representations like these in popular narratives would construct and homogenise the imaginaries of a nation of children who would then grow up with erroneous notions of cultural ethnicities and diversity within the country adding to the problematics of marginalisation and hegemonic nationalisms. In order to do so the study will also examine the frameworks of nation-building and othering as engaged with in the representational works of Sanjib Baruah and Udayon Misra that emerge from and are firmly rooted in the Northeastern region.

Homogenisation and Erasure: Nationalism in WingStar

Ideologies operate in constructing and restructuring lives and identities that seem natural and universal. Nations and nationalisms are also part of this ideological constructedness. Billig (1995) writes, “Nationalism is the ideology by which the world of nations has come to seem the natural world – as if there could not possibly be a world without nations.” (p. 184). He further adds that national identities are also natural to possess and to remember. Billig writes:

This remembering, nevertheless, involves a forgetting, or rather there is a complex dialectic of remembering and forgetting. …, this dialectic is important in the banal reproduction of nationalism in established nations….This remembering is simultaneously a collective forgetting: the nation, which celebrates its antiquity, forgets its historical recency. (1995, 185)

Billig points out that this collective and selective amnesia is a complex process where not just the past but the present is also subjective to this deletion. Quoting Langer, Billig gesticulates to the manner in which national identities get established over ages through daily routines that flag the idea of nationhood and that this is often routinized in that they are followed mindlessly to the extent that it becomes forgotten (1995, p. 185). According to Sanjib Baruah, (1999) “the apparent amnesia about identities that compete with official State nationalisms is the legacy of cultural standardisation particularly associated with successful State-building endeavours” (p. 4). One of the parts of this amnesia is also a creation by the intellectuals as Ernest Renan acknowledges in his work, “What is a nation?” (p.251).

Cultural artefacts, like literature, films and other material products, also enable the construction of identities including that of nation and nationalism. In case of children’s magazines like Tinkle, it has long carried the baton of homogenising ethnic and regional identities to create a pan-Indian identity. This has constructed narratives for children like Butter Fingers, Dental Diaries, Shikhari Shambhu, Tantri the Mantri, Suppandi and WingStar among others where regional and cultural markers are completely absent, or if present, they are non-representational, other than character names and reconstituted location names. Contextualising Billig’s idea to WingStar, it is interesting to note that this cultural artefact (that of a children’s magazine) plays an important role in the collective forgetting of identities and ideas within the nation, especially when it is perpetrated and perpetuated through childhood into adulthood. In the construction of this narrative of history through a children’s literary text, what is forgotten is the true nature of diversity, leading to the birth of a sanitised version of diversity that homogenises ethnic and regional identity indicators. This creates a “banal” (Baudrillard) diversity that subsumes the ethnic and regional variations into the realms of a dominant nationalism that prefers to erase and forget difference. Children growing up reading WingStar would understand that diversity is actually not so diverse and all cultures are quite like each other. This becomes problematic in the context of a multicultural, multireligious, multilinguistic and multiethnic nation like India.

In order, to be remembered and included in the national imaginary, the categories of its existence have to be reproduced and in the same manner, in order to be forgotten, the categories of erasure too have to be constantly reproduced, which is infinitely possible in an infinite series like that of WingStar which is periodised in the fortnightly Tinkle. In WingStar, all indices of difference except that of the names of people and the state are erased and the “female superhero from Mizoram”’ can be dislocated or relocated against the cultural locus of any state within the country as she is presented as generic or universal. She is a ‘female superhero’ who incidentally belongs to a state in India, Mizoram. There has been a conscious effort to equalise Mizoram and the Mizo character, Mapui Kawlim in the name of inclusivity and this inclusiveness operates through erasure and a certain elision. There seems to be an attempt to bring the Northeast into the consciousness of the ‘mainstream’ by representing it as any other state. This elides over ethnic and cultural heterogeneity and homogenises not just Northeastern identities as a whole but also situates it within a larger pan-Indian identity rubric. Throughout the series across various issues of Tinkle there is no mention of anything specific that would locate WingStar as quintessentially Mizo or as hailing from Mizoram, a state underrepresented in mainstream children’s literature. Other than the name of the central character, Mapui Kawlim, and the town she is located in as Aizwa, suitably changed from Aizawl to make it sound more generic, and which according to the writer of WingStar Sean D’mello is “just a city” (qtd in Staneley, 2016), young Kawlim is just any other female superhero from any part of the country, and for that matter from any part of the world. D’mello comments in an interview, “At Tinkle, we never use the original name of cities or towns. This is primarily because it gives us the freedom to do what we want in a story” (D’mello, 2022). With respect to the name of Mapui, in order to be a Mizo name, Mapui should be spelt Mapuii. Her father’s name Tashi and their last name Kawlim are not Mizo names, which in addition to the fact that most Mizos do not employ last names but second names that are indicative of clans, (qtd in Staneley, 2016) which point to a disjuncture. Later in “Strange sightings”, an episode from WingStar, the Reiek mountains, a tourist destination of Aizawl, is denoted as Relek mountains. This episode is also interesting in that, the identity of Mizoram as a state is established and reiterated through mythical creatures and Relek mountains, but their protection is dependent on the non-Mizo characters of the Tinkle Toons universe, along with Mapui, of course (Vol. 1, 2018, pp. 42-49). The only distinguishing feature that marks Mapui’s identity as a Mizo is her facial features or rather the representation of her eyes and the eyes of most characters in the narrative. But even this is done in the caricaturish style and not the realistic style, which brings with it the problematics of exaggeration (Fig 1 and Fig 2). Needless to say, every other distinguishing ethnic feature is erased while the eyes become the centre-point of the character’s features and identity, which gets further accentuated when she dons her WingStar power suit which then displays her eyes naturally and prominently. This seems to be a kind of “visual orientalism” (qtd in Baruah, 2021, p. 10) when taken in conjunction with the fact that there seems to be no other identity marker that distinguishes these characters from Mizoram.

          Fig 1. WingStar: The reluctant superhero. Vol. 1, 2018, p.9. | Fig. 2. WingStar: The reluctant superhero. Vol. 1, 2018, p.5

In another instance of elision, the episode “Stranger sightings” (a metafictive narrative) features the pheiccham, a one-legged mythical forest being, belonging to Mizo folklore, that is purported to bring good fortune to those who seek and catch it (Pheiccham: The story, n.d.). But even in this instance of the WingStar narrative which is set in Mizoram, they get subsumed in the story under the other Tinkle Toon characters featured, such as Shikhari Shambhu, Tantri the Mantri and Billy the fangless vampire as it is they alongside Mapui who seek to rescue these mystical creatures from the clutches of the villain Rasha. There is no description of what a pheiccham is with respect to Mizo culture and lore and at one point, Mapui herself dismisses them as “the so-called pheicchams are just a new species” (WingStar, Vol.1, p. 46).

These interventions were purposeful, and according to D’mello and the editor of Tinkle at the time of WingStar’s inception, Rajni Thindiath, they “did not want to directly represent or misrepresent a particular clan” (qtd. in Staneley, 2016). When D’mello was asked why specific aspects of the Northeastern identity do not come through in WingStar, he indicates that while presenting a character from the Northeast was an aim, “WingStar is a superhero who doesn’t want to be a superhero. That was her fundamental purpose, to find a way to balance expectation and her own desires. It was this aspect of the storyline that we chose to focus on when writing her stories” (D’mello, 2022). D’mello also responds to why Mizoram was chosen for WingStar’s setting saying, “Tinkle Toons do not only live and have adventures in their place of birth. They travel the country and in WingStar’s case internationally to complete a variety of missions” (D’mello, 2022). All these strategic decisions by the makers of WingStar result in a cultural product where all specific ethnic identity markers are erased and elided over as if they do not matter or exist and will thus not introduce the children to anything specific to Mizoram or Mizo culture. It becomes a generic story of a superhero who incidentally is female, hails from India and more specifically Mizoram, a state in India. Erased in this process is the history of marginalisation and under-representation that Mizoram along with other Northeastern states are subjected to within the mainstream literature and media, particularly with respect to children’s literature, television and film in India.

To place this problematic of homogenisation and monolithic nationalism in perspective it is important to look at this issue through writers and political scientists who write about the centre-state politics in the Northeast. Udayon Misra, a writer and critic from Assam, while talking about the national imaginary about the North-East and its identities, states, “such monolithic conceptions about a region which stands out for its diversity of cultures and civilizations would only help to nourish the biases and prejudices…” (2013, p. 3). According to Misra in his book India’s North-East: Identity, movements, state and civil society (2014) such a construction of nationalism has a historic lineage that goes back to the immediate months and years in post-independence India. Misra writes:

Those who had taken over power from the British at Delhi and were immersed in the streams of Indian cultural nationalism, were, therefore, not in a position to acknowledge, let alone try to understand and appreciate the different strands of alternate nationalism that were present in the northeastern part of the country… (2014, p. 9)

He points out that the nascent Indian nation may have been ill-equipped and unwilling to tackle the “demands of pluralism and the multi-ethnic nature of our polity” due to their tendency to gauge things through “a highly centralised focal point” (Misra, 2014, p. 28). The tendency over the years, as a result, is to attempt to integrate the states in the Northeastern region of India into the ‘Indian mainstream’ or to make them part of the ‘great Indian tradition’ (Misra, 2014, p. 74), as can be seen in the attempt to situate certain communities from Northeast India within ancient scriptures (2014, p. 79). Tinkle through WingStar seems to fall prey to this politics of integration, not by situating it within the larger discourse of “Hindu cultural nationalism” (Baruah, 2021, pp. 16-17), but by ignoring all cultural and regional specificities in order to ‘integrate’ it into the larger national imaginary. Though it is to be noted that the magazine is egalitarian in erasing all markers of ethnicity or regional specificities within its pages, however, what is problematic, is that it seems to have for the first time posited a specific geographic and cultural marker for one of its series to mark the ‘inclusivity’ the editors have aimed at and then have proceeded ‘naturally’ to erase all identity and cultural markers of the region.

Sanjib Baruah in his evocative accounts of the history of the Northeast, refers to the ‘othering’ of the states in the Northeastern region of the country. He points out that the language of ‘other’ing that permeates the official central government documents, national media accounts about what happens in the Northeastern part of the nation and popular culture references that further otherises the states in the Northeast. Baurah points out the vocabulary in government documents that state that the region in time will “catch-up and become part of the ‘national mainstream’” (2021, p. 44) indicating that in the national imagination the states of the Northeast “appear as a periphery” that are to develop and “catch-up” with the ‘mainstream’ (2021, p. 188). Quoting Mrinal Miri, Baruah states that, “the metaphor of the mainstream is a powerful hindrance to the understanding of India” (2021, p. 180). The arrival of WingStar within the Tinkle Universe serves as a moment for the Northeast to ‘catch-up’, it has now arrived in the living-rooms of children and Tinkle has become an agent to facilitate that moment. This moment is important considering the three lakhs per issue (as in 2019) circulation of Tinkle across 400 towns in India. Therefore, arriving in the Tinkle Universe would metaphorically herald an arrival into the psyches of the young Indians, for many among whom this would be their first cultural introduction to Mizoram or any of the states in the Northeastern region for that matter. In contextualising the WingStar within the larger Tinkle Universe imaginary, the diversity, plurality, multilinguistic and multiethnic identities of the region are levelled out, appropriated and erased to serve the ‘national mainstream’ and a rhetoric is established that tells the young reader that the people of the Northeastern regions in India are the ‘same like you’. Extrapolating from Baruah and Misra’s histories of the Northeastern regions, it is interesting to note that WingStar does not touch upon themes of insurgency or separatist movements that are part of the dominant discourses and cultural history of the region. It is interesting to note that Mapui Kawlim as WingStar is a vigilante superhero in a state which has cracked down hard on vigilantism. But Mapui is redeemed in that she along with her father and mother, Tashi and Kyati Kawlim work hand-in-hand with the State, through the state agency of the police forces of the region. Effort is made by the makers of WingStar to situate and locate her identity within the boundaries of the state machinery, with the police time and again turning to her for help, which validates her position. It is reiterated that Tashi Kawlim is an innovator who refused to sell his inventions to the “private arms manufacturer” Baik Sailo (Vol. 2, 2020, p. 1) but at the same time assists the police through his inventions. The State, in this narrative, takes on a glorified and glorifying position.

The cultural forgetfulness that is generally associated with successful state-building seems to be receding (Baruah, 1999, p. 4) and this brings in its wake a resurgence of memories and the need to imprint them into the national consciousness. Tinkle via WingStar joins the bandwagon to culturally represent the nation and its diversity but it still constitutes Mizoram within the larger amnesiac history of nation-building. All constructions of nationhoods involve projects of cultural hegemony and a pan-Indian national identity that is achieved through differences being ‘assimilated or destroyed’ (Baruah, 1999, p. 9). In all this, we can observe the creation of a banal nationalism that subsumes all differences and seeks to establish a non-heterogenous notion of identities and nationhood and in which WingStar becomes a part of this project of nation-building.

The Politics of Deterritorialization: Situating WingStar within the Tinkle Toons universe

Giles Deleuze and Felix Guattari in their seminal works ranging from Anti-Oedipus (1972) to A thousand plateaus (1980) re-examines Lacanian notions of territorialization and extends its use from within the psychological milieu and register to the social. This discussion will adopt E. W. Holland’s response to Deleuze and Guattari’s work in the 1970s and ‘80s to examine WingStar. It will concentrate on the social deployment of the notion of territorialization, deterritorialization and reterritorialization extending its use from the purview of the libidinal to human investment of energy in all kinds of activities ranging from the perceptual, cognitive, artistic, productive and physical (Holland, 1991, p. 57). According to Holland, Deleuze and Guattari, while examining the rhizomatic relations of power in society, argue that capitalism is not the only power that deterritorializes but that all operations of power in society do so. (Holland, 1991, p.57). In A thousand plateaus Deleuze and Guattari re-examine the notions of deterritorialization and reterritorialization not as binaries but as immanent structures within diverse semiotic processes (Holland, 1991, p. 59).  Capitalism for Deleuze and Guattari is a prime agent for deterritorialization (Holland, 1991, p. 64). In the context of WingStar and Mizo ethnic identities for the establishment of a certain pan-Indian identity, one can argue that nationalism is an agent for deterritorialization and a problematic reterritorialization through a process of cultural erasure of ethnic markers, in that, all specific Mizo identities are deterritorialized and reterritorialized as an absence/presence in WingStar.

Northeast is often “imagined as an internal other” (Baruah, 2021, p. 12). This internal “othering” is evident in the manner in which the state machinery has designed policies for the Northeast. And as Baruah, mirroring Miri, points out, “human beings do not have a policy toward family members or friends (Baruah, 2021, p. 13). In WingStar one can see a duality at work, a recognition of the ‘other’ and a fear of the same ‘other’. This gets expressed in the recognition of the need for narratives from the Northeast. The fear is manifest in the attempt to homogenise ethnic and cultural differences into a “just like any other” structure. The desire to recognise the ‘other’ manifests itself in the fact that these narratives are written and illustrated by people who do not culturally belong, who invest in themselves the power to represent this ‘other’ they feel requires representation. But this recognition does not at the same time extend to representing the cultural and ethnic markers specific to Mizoram and the Mizo community in which the narratives and characters are set. There is a deliberate way in which racial discrimination against the people from Mizoram and other Northeastern states are glossed over in order to not “offend people” (Staneley, 2016). The narrative turns into another Enid Blytonesque adventure fantasy where Mapui fights against the modern-day crime using technological interventions that grant her an edge over all other characters. It is interesting how her superhero powers are all because of the power-suit and extensions her father customises for her and not because she has something inherent within herself that enables her to be a superhero. She is not represented as a character who has a sense of justice, but she is portrayed as a young girl who is frivolous and boastful, not in the least accommodating of other’s opinions and full of herself. In this sense, she seems not in the least a superhero material. The sense of heroism and valour that ideally characterises a superhero is constantly demystified by her representation as a young girl who can lie to get out of doing her homework, who does not want to save the world but would rather have sleepovers and watch a TV series. She seems to be full of false bravado as she faces a temperamental villain and declares, “Come at me! Let me show you what I can do” (Vol 1, 2018, p. 19). She is visualised in this scene with her arms folded across her chest and it is also striking that she has come to face this villain ignoring her father’s instructions to stay at home. She seems narcissistic when she tells her friends that they could pass their time during their sleepover by watching news reports documenting “all her heroic acts” (Vol. 1, 2018, p. 23). She is portrayed as unwilling to change and experiment when she attempts to persuade her dad to give her the same power-suit rather than a revamped version. Through these and other instances in the narrative we see that Mapui Kawlim is deterritorialized from the normative superheroes of fictional worlds and reterritorialised in peculiar ways within the Tinkle Toons universe.

Within the Tinkle Toons universe, all ethnic and cultural markers and differences are wiped out, nothing differentiates the characters in terms of specific cultural or regional identities. Within this Universe the characters are reduced to a pan-Indian Tinkle toon character with idiosyncrasies and not so likeable traits. This is symptomatic of the Tinkle Toons universe, take for example Tinkle Toon characters like Shikhari Shambu, Tantri the Mantri, Suppandi and others. None of them have any specific identity or cultural markers and neither are they like the conventional heroes or central characters of children’s narratives. Shambu wins against villains through sheer force of circumstances and not through his intelligence or efforts, Tantri fails in all endeavours not for want of intelligence or cunning but through a set of circumstances, Suppandi is a hero for his witticisms that are more stupid than witty and there is Mapui Kawlim who wins only because of her power-suit, without which often than not and even despite it many a time her friends have to step in to save her from the clutches of the villains (Vol.1 & 2). The reterritorialization of Mapui Kawlim within the Tinkle Toons universe becomes apparent in the episode titled “Strange sightings” (Vol. 1, 2018, pp. 42-49) where Mapui is situated within the Tinkle Toon universe as a foil to Shikhari Shambu, Tantri the Mantri and Billy, the Fangless Vampire. All of these Tinkle Toons characters are involved, in their own bizarre and slapstick styles, in solving the case of the pheicchams. In the regular schema, this homogenisation then would not seem problematic unless one examines the avowed reason for the introduction of a narrative based in the Northeast. According to D’mello, the major reason for introducing WingStar set in Mizoram was “to showcase Northeastern culture, backgrounds, people—how they talk, how they look, they behave” (qtd in Staneley, 2016).

In WingStar we see deterritorialization and reterritorialization at work. Mizoram, as a state from the Northeastern region, which is under-represented in literature and children’s literature, is problematically ‘redeemed’ from this under-representation in a quintessential Tinkle manner through its appropriation into the Tinkle Toons universe. Aizawl is reterritoritorialised in this process as Aizwa, Mapuii as Mapui, Kawlim, a non Mizo surname attributed to her and all other social, cultural, ethnic and geographical markers which are obliterated in the process of this reterritorialization. According to D’mello, “Tinkle Toons are written with a universal narrative in mind. We want every reader to see themselves in the characters” (D’mello, 2022). In this process of recontextualization the narrative loses credibility with respect to its avowal to represent and showcase the Northeast and privileges a certain homogenisation that is the dominant ideology of nationalism. Mapui and her world gets recoded in this process into “just a female superhero from the Northeast” and her specific locale as “just a city”, both now almost ahistorical entities that exist ‘harmoniously’ within the Tinkle Toons universe.

Conclusion

One of the major problems that could possibly arise from this scenario would be an indigenization that is pan-Indian, an Indianization over Mizoization, that could lead to the erasure of ethnic and cultural specificities of Northeastern states and identities among children who read and engage with only mainstream media. The banal nationalism that gets enacted in the pages of WingStar is just another in a long chain of cultural and political hegemony enacted upon the body of a state located in the Northeastern region. In the case of Tinkle, Mizoram joins the long list of such homogenisation and cultural decluttering that guides the editorial policy of the magazine, which is to represent diversity but to not make it seem very diverse. In WingStar, Tinkle continues its history of recognising unity as a subsumption of identities into a pan-Indian and ubiquitous entity and generalising differences as present in every state and not touching upon specifics, in order to not disengage its readership. This positionality mirrors what Misra talks about when he says that the Indian middle class are yet to change from their narrow equations into a “truly liberal urban space. … Therefore, old mindsets and perceptions continue to hold sway and there seems to be little space for plurality of cultures and alternate nationalisms” (2014, p.6).  In this process, a breed of young minds would develop who do not recognise differences and would confront differences with suspicion and fear. But, “social, linguistic, and regional plurality must be seen as essential to the task of nation-building.… The perception of India as a country must be broadened to include nationalities which have been at the periphery, culturally, politically, and economically (Misra, 2014, pp. 82-23). What is important is not an ethnic nationalism which is a “commodified surplus” (Billig, 1995, p. 195) but an inclusive nationalism that acknowledges and respects differences of culture and ethnicities “without being integrated” (Misra, 2014, p.6) that can be built in the minds of children through inclusive narrativization that does not purposefully erase differences and ethnic markers.

Declaration of Conflict of Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest.

Funding

No funding has been received for the publication of this article. It is published free of any charge.

References

Abraham, R. E. (2018). Children’s edutainment magazines in English in India: An overview. Centre for Publications, Christ University. 

—. (2020). Acculturation and holistic development in children in India: Educative possibilities of children’s edutainment magazines in English, New Review of Children’s Literature and Librarianship, 26(1-2), pp. 1-13. https://doi.org/10.1080/13614541.2021.1972751

Baruah, Sanjib. (2021). Introduction. In In the name of the Nation: India and its Northeast (pp. 1-24). Navayana. 

—. (1999). India against itself: Assam and the politics of nationality. Oxford University Press.  

Billig, M. (2005). Banal nationalism. In P. Spencer & H. Wollman (eds.), Nations and nationalism: A reader, (pp. 184–196). Edinburgh University Press. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3366/j.ctvxcrmwf.17

D’mello, S. (2022, January 12). Personal communication [Email].

Holland, E. W. (1991). Deterritorializing “deterritorialization”: From the “Anti-Oedipus” to “A Thousand Plateaus.” SubStance, 20(3), 55–65. https://doi.org/10.2307/3685179

Misra, Udayon. (2013). India’s North-East: An illusive construct. In The periphery stikes back: Challenges to the Nation-State in Assam and Nagaland (pp. 1-14). Indian Institute of Advanced Study.

Misra Udayon. (2014). Northeast India: Roots of alienation. Introduction. In India’s North-East: Identities,   movements, state, and civil society (pp. 1-7). Oxford University Press.   

Pheiccham: Lead for change. (n.d.). Pheiccham: The story. https://pheichham.com/

Renan, E., & Giglioli, M. F. N. (2018). ‘What is a nation?’: (Qu’est-ce qu’une nation?, 1882). In What is a nation? and Other political Writings (pp. 247–263). Columbia University Press. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7312/rena17430.15

Staneley, S. A. (2016, January 18). Looking East: Tinkle’s depiction of its new superhero from the Northeast has a long way to go. The Caravan, Delhi Press.

https://caravanmagazine.in/vantage/looking-east-tinkle-superhero-wingstar-long-way-to-go

Thindiath, Rajani, ed. (January, 2018). WingStar: The reluctant superhero (Vol. 1) [Comic]. In Tinkle Mumbai: Amar Chitra Katha Pvt. Ltd.     

Thindiath, Rajani, ed. (June, 2020). WingStar: Dangers unseen (Vol. 2) [Comic]. In Tinkle Mumbai: Amar Chitra Katha Pvt. Ltd.     

Renu Elizabeth Abraham is an Assistant Professor of English with the Department of English and Cultural Studies, CHRIST (Deemed to be University), Bannerghatta Road Campus, Bengaluru, India. Her academic interests lie in Children’s Literatures in India, Fandom Studies, Comics Studies and Popular Culture Studies in India and she has recently published a monograph on Children’s magazines in English in India along with research articles on Fandoms and children’s magazines for acculturation in India.

Severe Acute Hepatitis in Children: An Analysis from Philosophy of Science Using the Concept of Reduction

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Miguel López-Astorga
Institute of Humanistic Studies, University of Talca, Talca Campus (Chile). Email: milopez@utalca.cl.

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022, Pages 1-9.  https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.30

First published: June 30, 2022 | Area: Scientific Philosophy | License: CC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under Volume 14, Number 2, 2022)
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Abstract

The present paper uses Carnap’s reduction concept to address the problem of new severe acute hepatitis in children. First, it tries to show how that concept can help understand why some previous hypotheses of causality on the new hepatitis in children should be rejected. Second, Carnap’s reduction concept is used to explain a complex hypothesis about the causes of that disease proposed in The Lancet in 2022. The latter hypothesis combines several factors: infection by SARS-CoV-2, a build-up of this virus in the bowel that comes in contact with blood circulation, and another infection by adenovirus. One of the points of the paper is to argue that a hypothesis can be described by means of a bilateral reduction sentence, which in turn would allow empirical comparison of the hypothesis in an easy way. Finally, the author considers a current cognitive framework, namely, the theory of mental models, to propose that bilateral reduction sentences should not be hard to handle for physicians or scientists.

Keywords: adenovirus; reduction; SARS-CoV-2; severe acute hepatitis in children; theory of mental models

Introduction

Several cases of a new ‘severe acute hepatitis in children were reported around the world in 2022 (e.g., Brodin & Arditi, 2022). Physicians and researchers tried to find, by all means, an explanation and the causes of those cases (see also, e.g., Cañelles, 2022). In the process, some hypotheses were ruled out. Some of them were, for example, to deem the new hepatitis as a disease equivalent to one of the five kinds of hepatitis already known, or an adenovirus (Brodin & Artidi, 2022; Cañelles, 2022).

After rejecting other hypotheses as well, one more hypothesis was proposed. This new hypothesis, in principle, seemed difficult to verify. It claimed that several elements acting at the same time cause the severe acute hepatitis in children. The new hepatitis would appear when there is a SARS-CoV-2 infection and, as a result, the virus accumulates in the intestine. Then, the virus would enter the blood and flow throughout the body. At once, the liver would be inflamed because of an adenovirus infection (Brodin & Artidi, 2022; Cañelles, 2022).

This hypothesis appears to be hard to contrast. However, the main goal of the present paper is to show otherwise. If the procedure Carnap (1936, 1937) offered to relate properties or predicates, that is, his reduction process is assumed, the task of empirical confirmation may not be so difficult. The literature reveals that, if it is accepted that the human mind follows, in its inferential processes, what the theory of mental models (e.g., Khemlani, Byrne, & Johnson-Laird, 2018) indicates, that procedure is not difficult at all (e.g., López-Astorga, 2021).

To achieve that goal, the present paper will have three sections. In the first section, some of the previous hypotheses about the causes of the new hepatitis in children will be taken as examples. The aim will be to explain how Carnap’s reduction processes can help reveal the reasons why those hypotheses are not admissible. The second section will describe the complex hypothesis pointed out above. It will be argued that, despite what may be thought, Carnap’s concept of reduction can lead to simple confirmations of that hypothesis. Based on the literature, the final section will show that to apply Carnap’s reduction procedure to that hypothesis is not hard for people, at least, if the theses of the theory of mental models are right… Full-Text PDF

Humanising History through Graphic Narratives: Exploring Stories of Home and Displacement from the North-East of India

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Rolla Das1 & Abhaya N B2

Christ (Deemed to be University), Bangalore, India. Email: rolla.das@christuniversity.in.  Email: abhaya.nb@christuniversity.in.

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022. Pages 1-18. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne32

First published: June 30, 2022 | AreaNortheast India | LicenseCC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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Abstract

Literature from the North-East has responded to national, global and local issues, including questions on immigration and ethnic violence. They have resisted the colonial framework of representation and have invoked a sense of “cultural and ethnic particularity” (Sarma, 2013). This literature has adopted a multilingual register to respond to 1) patriarchal and 2) ethnonationalist discourses that have a forced and overbearing presence in the everyday lives of people and their stories. These writings evoke an ethno-critical approach that “engages otherness and difference in such a way as to provoke an interrogation of and a challenge” to our familiar realms of experience and is “consistent with a recognition and legitimation of heterogeneity” (Sarma, 2013). Select stories from First Hand (Volume II, 2018) – The Lonely Courtyard (2018), My Name is Jahanara (2018), and A Market Story (2019) by Kumdo Yumnam provide the heterogeneity that is characteristic of the works of literature emerging from the North-East, thereby resisting the homogeneity often indicative of the term ‘North-East’. The analysis will explore how the selected texts negotiate textuality and visuality in a specific manner to present an archive of everyday life that humanises history.

Keywords: Humanising Narratives, Graphic Novels of North-East.

Graphic Narratives

The Indian graphic novel is a relatively new literary form compared to its counterparts in the world (Debroy, 2011). However, it has made a significant impact in the world of Indian Writing in English. The graphic novel is a medium that includes a range of semiotic systems— iconic, symbolic and indexicals (Nayar, 2016). Given its form that negotiates textuality and visuality in a distinct manner, it can tackle subtle issues such as expressions and identities of varied kinds. It adapts itself to the emerging, contemporary concerns while retaining its lineage to its humble yet politically assertive beginnings in articulating questions of power, migration, gender, colonial onslaughts and nationhood (Giddens & Evans, 2013). Contrary to popular notions, the emergence of the comic culture in India drew inspiration from the comic culture of the West starting out as “reproductions or translated versions of comic strips such as Tarzan, Phantom, and Mandrake” (Debroy, 2011). However, Amar Chitra Katha transformed the reach and impact of Indian graphic narratives significantly. Further, Indian graphical novels witnessed a change in their critical engagement when narratives by Sarnath Banerjee, Orijit Sen, Amrita Patil, Appupen, and Viswajyoti Ghosh, to name a few, reached a diverse audience. The narratives catered to a range of social, cultural and political issues of nationalism, partition, gender, non-binary articulations of experience, the retelling of myths, and feminist readings of fables and fairytales.

We use the term graphic narrative in accordance with Chute (2008) and Nayar (2016). Chute claims that graphic narrative, as a term, is more apt to refer to narratives that have “reproducibility” and “mass circulation” as well as a “rigorous, experimental attention to form as a mode of political intervention” (p.462). She further argues that graphic narratives are able to create

their own historicity even as they work to destabilize standard narratives of history. Particularly, there is a significant yet diverse body of nonfiction graphic work that engages with the subject either in extremis or facing brutal experience. (2008, p. 92)

Nayar (2009) argues that “graphic narrative is a ‘medium’ within which we have ‘genres’ like graphic fiction, graphic reportage and graphic memoirs” (Nayar, 2009, p. 58) and this medium “is more inclusive and representative of an essentially hybrid genre“ and “is largely an offshoot of the country’s economic liberalization and its discontents” (Krätli, 2018). Inspired by political cartoons and journalistic narratives, this form, historically, has been always considered a political enterprise. Sankar and Changmai (2019) argue:

The graphic novel as we define it is not merely a novel by other means, despite its use of the book-length elaboration of plot and character typical of the novel; it is also an assertion of the form’s proclivity for political engagement. To a certain extent, therefore, the invention of the graphic novel in the work of artists like Will Eisner and Spiegelman is the rediscovery of the medium’s potential for extended performances that overcome the spatio-temporal limits of the political cartoon but remain overtly political and/or satirical, and non-fictional or (more commonly) partially fictive. (p. 113)

Political commentary in graphic narratives of the world and of India

Graphic narratives use diverse story-telling strategies and insist “on tackling more social commentary and cultural critique of the nation’s lacunae of flaws” (Nayar, 2016, p. 8). Madan (2018) asserts that the Indian graphic novel is “a cultural form; it champions the Indian graphic narrative as “a new representational mode that re-invigorates the canon” of Indian writing in English because of its multivalent representational strategies, and its insistence on offering a cultural critique of the Indian nation (7–8)” (p. 259). Graphic narratives across the world have challenged canonical historical representations and presented a critique of the ideas of nation and citizenship (Speiegelman, 1991; Sacco, 2012; Nayar 2016).

Employing mimetic and diegetic narrative styles, the narratives foreground “the silent actors” (Nayar, 2016 b). By highlighting the silences, the positioning of the texts in association with the images, and other allied strategies, the novels reflect a distinct semiotic strategy (Madan, 2017). Unlike photographs, visual narratives in graphic novels allow “personal recall and sentimental narratives” (Nayar, 2016 a, p.22) which allows the readers to locate the alternate histories (alternate, in this case, refers to the visualising of a history that is avoided, or omitted or forgotten in the canonical writings). Nayar claims that contemporary history is visualised through these everyday used mediums such as graphic narratives and presents to us a ‘visual turn’ in recording, in particular, historical horrors like genocide, ethnocide, war, and collective trauma. The narratives allow local contexts, issues, and experiences to be presented in an accessible and recognisable format, thereby opening them for a world readership. It builds critical literacy by letting the readers “see popular forms and their demotic registers as enabling the culturalisation of the public sphere, opening it up to concerns, debates and campaigns about rights, historical wrongs and emancipator possibilities” (Nayar, 2016, p. 198).

Orijit Sen’s River of Stories (1994), articulates the experiences and material conditions of the tribal population in the aftermath of the construction of a dam which is bound to have dire environmental implications, Viswajyoti Ghosh’s Delhi Calm revisits the narratives from India’s emergency 1975-77 (2010), Malik Sajad’s autobiographical narrative Munnu (2015) presents the fractured sense of being and growing up in Kashmir’s political turmoil (Mitra, 2019), and Appupen’s narratives in Legends of Halahala satirises the modern society in the cusp of capitalism and raises arguments against environmental degradation, urban degradation and sexual violence (Mondal & Banerjee, 2021). These publications are significant as they created and transformed how graphic narratives present critical notions of nationality in the context of India (Debroy, 2011; Nayar, 2016).

While there is a plethora of writing that is ‘emerging’ from the North-East, graphic novels or graphic subculture in the region is limited and is in its formative stage. Particularly, since publications by women writers in this genre from the region are quite limited, it becomes important to address the thematic focus and form of the available ones. The article through the analysis of the three selected narratives responds to this lacuna. The Lonely Courtyard and My Name is Jahanara by Amrapali Basumatary from First Hand (Volume II) (2018) and A Market Story (2019) by Kumdo Yumnam are analysed to bring forth the narratives, their textuality and visuality to explore how they represent the experiences of people from diverse ethnic communities from the North-East and enable writing of history/ies through the personal recounting of the impact of events on their personal lives.

Writing the North-East

The North-East of India offers perspectives of postcolonial experiences that challenge the depiction of a homogeneous nation-state. It deserves attention as a region that brings forth and questions the ideas of nationhood, citizenship and democracy, especially due to its critical history of colonial and postcolonial existence and its location as a region between South, Southeast and East Asia (Matta, 2017). North-East became a frontier sharing its borders with not one but multiple nations and due to the arbitrary severance of connection with the rest of the land and other trade routes it became a standalone entity and an excuse for policing and control. The nomenclature of the region contributed to the artificial superimposition of homogeneity which in reality was and is a region of ‘a multi-ethnic mosaic’ (Sarma, 2013, p. 37). The mainstream discourses validated by the army, by the nation and by the larger majoritarian imagination promoted the sense of alienation and homogeneous representation through narratives that fuelled ‘racialisation’ and increased profiling (Baruah, 2005, p. 166). Representationally, the region, therefore, was pushed towards the very margins of the national imagination with a mythic homogeneity that functioned as an artificial cohesive device. Typical discourses resting on secondary sources either conformed to such imagination and if at all they resisted the hegemonic forces of articulation, they did so quite superficially.

The scholarship from the North-East can, must and has challenged this “androcentric discursive regime” (Matta, 2017, p.200). The absence of writers from the North-East in mainstream literary discussions or panels, classrooms and everyday discourse does indeed continue an obliterating tendency. This remains a matter of concern because the North-East has a long tradition of writing and scholarship nationally and internationally, the writings have received critical acclaim and “has been accompanied by the appreciation of a progressively growing readership”(Matta, 2017, p. 200). In recent years, however, increased attention to the specific forms of production of literature from the North-East indicates five significant issues. The writings from this polyglot region are aiming at presenting an alternative to the ahistorical and touristic perceptions often circulated across mainstream media. The writings aim to debunk the perception of North-East, on one hand, as an exotic utopia and on the other, as the imagination of a dystopic land marred with guerrilla warfare (Matta, 2017). Secondly, the writings resist the colonial framework of representation and invoke a sense of “cultural and ethnic particularity” (Sarma, 2013). They speak of survival, and resistance and offer moments of crafting identities (through their narrators, protagonists, and characters). Hence, the writings evoke an ethno-critical approach which “engages otherness and difference in such a way as to provoke an interrogation of and a challenge” to our familiar realms of experience and is “consistent with a recognition and legitimation of heterogeneity” (Krupat, 1992, p. 3). Thirdly, through their works of literature, they have responded to national, global and local issues, including questions on immigration and ethnic violence. Additionally, “in particular, the novels that have been published in the last few years bear witness to the effort of creating an alternative archive of memories of cultural history that takes the form of polyphonic narratives, or ‘narratives of communities’” (Sarma, 2013, p. 41). Fifthly, while Manjeet Baruah asserts that in recent decades, ‘one can see an emerging and growing genre of “political” literature based precisely on the issue of the frontier’ (2013, p. 30), “novels by north-eastern authors, far from dealing only with the idea of the North-East as a conflict zone, appear more concerned with discourses that range from the question of identity formation in the borderlands to the performance of indigeneity as ‘frontier people’ (2013, p. 40), from the question of the language to the reconceptualization of the mantra ‘the personal is political’” (Matta, 2017).

 The present paper analyses three graphic narratives: The Lonely Courtyard and My Name is Jahanara by Amrapali Basumatary and A Market Story by Kumdo Yumnam. Using the framework of ‘humanising history’ (Nayar, 2016), the form and intent of the narratives will be explored.

A Market Story, The Lonely Courtyard and My Name is Jahanara

A Market Story narrates the life of a married Meitei woman and her everyday experiences where she is negotiating her identity, here, a particular tribal identity, Meitei vis-a-vis an ‘other’. It is a short graphic narrative included in the anthology, Crafting the World – writings from Manipur (2019), edited and compiled by Thingnam Anjulika Samom. This anthology includes writings by 27 women from Manipur—a visual artist and 26 writers to represent the idea of the Manipuri woman, “to share the experiences of being a woman in a patriarchal order, and to tell us about the conditions, trials, tribulations and jubilation of their lives” (Samom, 2019). While some of them regularly write in Meiteilon (Manipuri), for this anthology, they present their narratives in English.

The other two narratives chosen for analysis are from First Hand Volume II (2018). This is an anthology of graphic narratives about conflict and resistance in India and is edited by Vidyun Sabhaney. The second volume focuses on narratives of exclusion and was published by Yoda Press in collaboration with the Centre for Equity Studies based on the 2015 edition of the Indian Exclusion Report (Kirpal, 2018). The themes included in this volume range from narratives of single women in India, the Muzaffarnagar riots, ethnic violence in Bodoland, experiences of the Jarwa tribe in the Andamans and the chronicles of the lives of Devadasis. Vidyun also points out that this anthology is a polyphonic exercise as it brought forth work by authors who have worked closely with “images, graphic narratives and research-based comics (such as Priya Kuriyan, Bhagwati Prasad, Shohei Emura, Mohit Kant Misra, Anupam Arunachalam, Vipin Yadav and myself) and those who have a long history with the subject matter (Neha Dixit, Amrapali Basumatary and Challapalli Swaroopa Rani)” (Kirpal, 2018). He asserts that the narratives by Basumatary are based on research and documentary evidence and reflect the conflict in Bodoland and the role of the State, and its impact on people.

The first narrative, The Lonely Courtyard (2018) is based on field research in 2006. This was part of a project on women affected by the Bodo-Santhali riots of the 1990s. My Name is Jahanara is however a fictional account. The narratives are real and are based on the actual interviews whereas the names of people and places are fictional. The account is of a Muslim woman during the 2012 Bodo-Muslim riot. It is argued to be a displacement comparable to the Partition in 1947. Jahanara recounts the experiences of Bengali speaking Muslim women as part of the author-researcher’s interviews in the aftermath of the riots through various organisations. Albeit academic in design, using oral histories and interviews, the author visited Santhali relief camps operating in Gossaigaon sub-division in 2006. Women from both communities were spoken to. Particular emphasis was placed on the narratives of elderly women who were witnesses. A short encounter with the women in the midst of their daily work brings forth the fissures, material conditions and significance of stories that ‘must’ be recounted to remember what happened and what lives on in their memories, albeit trailing.

My Name is Jahanara (2018) by Amrapali Basumatary narrates the experience of a Muslim woman during the 2012 Bodo-Muslim riot. Through Jahanara, the text brings forth questions of citizenship when the villages inhabited by the Muslims were attacked by Bodos and Muslims from these areas had to relocate and survive with meagre resources. Jahanara talks about her experience of the day of horror, the struggles in the aftermath and the continued threats to relocate to Bangladesh on account of not having documents to prove citizenship.

Humanising archives

Apart from cultivating narrative empathy, by “sharing of feeling and perspective-taking induced by reading, viewing or imagining narratives of another’s situation and condition” (Keen, 2006; quoted in Mondal & Banerjee, 2021, p. 2), these three narratives humanise archives through their “attention to a textualization of historical processes and a visual schema by which we might locate the individual participant or spectator’s ‘view’ of this history as it unfolds” (Nayar, 2016 a, p. 14). Lander had argued that the narratives bring together public and private events (for example, in Satrapi’s Persepolis) and “tend to revel in the minute personal details of everyday life, which receive their due respect because of their personal or symbolic weight within the lives of the characters and the narrative that is being constructed’ (p. 117). These narratives foreground the speech of the witnesses and remain silent in specific contexts; they include personal narrations, recollections and aspirations. They, however, do not overtly satirise (see Mondal & Banerjee, 2021). Instead, they present a representation of history that brings forth personal details and experiences, thereby, allowing the readers to envision the social and individual dimensions of representing histories.

A Market Story narrates the experience of a married Meitei Mou who goes to the keithel to buy groceries and is confronted by the women shopkeepers regarding her identity. The questions raised by the women in the marketplace seem to stem from the protagonist’s appearance and behaviour. They persistently enquire about her ethnic identity. Her ‘being’ challenges their expected schemas. Mundane inquiries about the price of vegetables quickly escalate to assertions made about her ethnic identity owing to her choice of food, attire and how she cares for her child. Throughout their transactional encounter, the questions become more personal and intimate. Kundo does not add panels as commentaries, instead, focuses mostly on the conversational exchanges, providing us with the indices (using speech bubbles that demonstrate the speaker) to understand the interrogator and responder. We remain a witness to this encounter. Seemingly trivial as a theme that provides a way to encounter different perspectives in a marketplace, the narrative goes beyond and brings forth everyday contestations of ethnic identity, community membership and othering. In the assertions, persistently made by the shopkeeper (p. 183-185), the protagonist is asked repeatedly, “Are you Meitei”, “So, you are a Christian”, and “Meitei?”, “We thought that you were a Kabui or some other…”.

Instead of focusing on the inter-ethnic conflicts at a macro level, the narrative positions the contestations through the everyday lives of people. It presents an alternative narrative of inter-ethnic encounters. Secondly, Kundo demonstrates how women negotiate contested community membership. This is in contrast to how “the violence of men’s worlds, where mostly male protagonists struggle to find a new balance amidst the chaotic turmoil of global conflicts, counternational insurgencies, and interethnic fights…overlook a more gendered dimension of history” (Matta, 2013, p. 212). Matta (2013) notes that literature from Nagaland are reclaiming neglected stories of Naga women who negotiate traditional values and their individual aspirations that operate on two ends of a spectrum. She asserts, “caught between different kinds of expectations, indigenous women often find themselves in an identity crisis” (Matta, 2013, p. 212). The statement, however, resonates with stories from Manipur as well. This narrative also presents a moment of critical literacy by foregrounding the inter-ethnic identities of the North-East and resisting the imposition of a mythic sense of homogeneity.

Historical events are often narrated at a macro level ignoring the ‘mundane’ everyday events by omitting the representation of the diversity of individual experiences. Articulating the representational forms of humanising history, Nayar (2016 a) asserts,

The graphic novel’s representation of humanization demands both, its attention to a textualization of historical processes and a visual schema by which we might locate the individual participant or spectator’s ‘view’ of this history as it unfolds. If the textual dimension delivers one aspect of the story, the expressions of characters and their location in the panels nudge us to paying attention to how individuals perceive and receive events as these happen. (p.14)

In A Market Story, the image panels provide close-up shots of people and objects that would have been relegated to the background. Close-up shots, instead of wider panels, magnify objects, expressions and events visually and weave them into the visual narrative.


Figure 1 Panel from A Market Story, Kundo Yumnam, 2019, p. 188

Visually, representation of expressions are significant in narrating historical events and their impact on individual lives. Expressions inform “that history had witnesses who responded in different ways to the events, whose emotions writ large on their faces should convey to us the scope and nature of the events and thus alert us to the subjects of that history, the social and individual dimensions of the larger historical process” (Nayar, 2016, p. 14). This humanises the archives or history. During one of the verbal exchanges (Figure 1) between Kundo and the woman shopkeeper of Nupi Keithel (women market), Kundo asks the seller, “Are you Meitei or tribal, Ine?”. The latter remarks, “Why, I am Meitei of course! What did you think?” (p.88). This is presented visually through a closeup of two faces. The face on the top right of the panel has the shopkeeper’s face with lines drawn around her face indicative of surprise and indignance, visibly reflecting a poise against Kundo’s statement. She is a Meitei of course. She cannot be asked to confirm her ethnic identity. The multisemiotic visuality, therefore, presents the contestation both textually and visually.

The panel below (Figure 2) presents another visual register: the difference in the attires of Kundo and the shopkeeper. The latter wears an attire commonly worn by Meitei women whereas Kundo wears a shirt and a pair of trousers. Kundo’s shoes are presented in closeup. The shopkeeper’s presumptions are based on a problematic and unilinear semiotic register that connects performatives such as attires with religious and ethnic labelling.

Figure 2 Panel from A Market Story, Kundo Yumnam, 2019, p. 185

While the text of graphic narratives moves the plot and the images provide the details of objects, events, emotions and expressions, the visuality of the text, specifically in terms of lettering, indicates “graphic voice” (Medhurst & Desousa, 1981, p. 227). In this text, small fonts, hand-lettered and mostly speech bubbles are used to retain the foregrounding of personal encounters and emphasis has been marked by larger fonts, capital letters and repeated punctuation marks. For example, the shopkeeper enquires, “Just one child? He seems to be VERY attached to his father” (Yumnam, 2019, p. 185) when she observes that Kundo’s child was being engaged by the father. In another encounter, when Kundo states that she might have bought boar meat from her, the shopkeeper vehemently disagrees and says she doesn’t “sell such things”, expressing her shock and disbelief and asks Kundo whether she eats “Beef too?!!”

Kundo uses an important visual metaphor as well. The closeup panel of the meat cutting board is presented along with the currency notes along with other images of vegetables in the lower-left panels. The right panel includes Kundo with her back towards us. Kundo shares our vision here, she is also looking on, both as a participant and as a witness, possibly reflecting on the contestations of her identity.

Figure 3 Panel from A Market Story, Kundo Yumnam, p. 189

It is a marketplace and a place of transaction where materials are weighed, transacted and consumed. This marketplace, however, becomes the site of a conflict— the knife put inside the wooden bark typically used for cutting meat, — simultaneously reflects the grotesque and the othering. The bean seeds scattered through the right side of the page challenge the presence of beef, iconised through the cutting board. The page layout (Figure 3) brings forth food as a visual idiom to articulate community membership and the excluded. To be a true Meitei, the seller is to speak about, consume and sell specific food. To eat meat, especially pork and beef, is a marker of defiance and hence relegates the consumers to the position of an ‘other’.

In these moments, the textuality and visuality of the narrative intersect deeply. The communities, individuals, their being and their coexistence remind us of the assertion made earlier about the heterogeneity of communities who coexist, in volatile conditions, poised for a contestation at any moment, yet occupying the same marketplace. While A Market Story reflects the narratives of the contestations of belonging, A Lonely Courtyard and My Name is Jahanara recounts a traumatic history of displacement. Inhabiting two spectrums of the conflict, beyond the narrations of public and official history, we encounter stories of Birola and Thwisri who are in conversation with each other in A Lonely Courtyard and Jahanara in My Name is Jahanara. Amrapali mentions at the beginning of the narrative that the stories are narrated in Korajhar and adjoining areas. She points out that one important reason for the selection of the region is because the region is inhabited by people from a mixed demographic profile who differ in terms of linguistic, ethnic and religious affiliations and has witnessed large-scale violence since the 1990s. She mentions that fictionalising of the narratives has been done to protect the real identities of the people and “to create an emotional, political and humanitarian connect with people who are some of the most marginalised and oppressed communities in the country” (Basumatary, 2018, p. 183).

The Lonely Courtyard is a visual idiom. It is about personal, geographical and political alienation. Its liminal space indicates both belonging and not belonging to a place of settlement. The emptiness, interior-exteriority, and expanse are reflected in the narrative through the textual and visual elements. This narrative brings forth the conversations in an afternoon in a seemingly calm village, where, everyday life is both familiar and yet distant. The narrative begins with the text in an open panel that merges with the images of the page. The pages provide a glimpse of a topographic and panoramic view of the village with texts in open panels floating through the page. Andrei Molotiu, as a strategy for reading abstract comics, invokes the term “‘iconostasis’: the perception of the layout of a comics page as a unified composition; perception which prompts us not so much to scan the comic from panel to panel in the accepted direction of reading but to take it at a glance, the way we take in an abstract painting” (Nayar, 2016 a). Nayar (2016 a), elaborating on humanising archives and public histories, claims that “more than the literary texts on traumatic events such as the Partition or complicated histories of colonial India, the graphic novel helps us see through the macro-stories and locate the individual anguish, distress and sadness” (p. 46). Birola, a respondent in the narrative asserts,

We are refugeees here. The villagers call us that. They call this village where we live a colony. Our homes stand on the land of a person from the village. We do not know how long we will be allowed to live here. We haven‘t built anything solid. It is not our home, not our land. We have already shifted so many locations in this same village. They keep moving us from here and there. The landowners fear we will settle down here and usurp their land. (Basumatary, 2018, The Lonely Courtyard, p. 188)

This substantiates the feeling of alienation, discomfort and a yearning for return which is rendered impossible because of the sheer destruction of the village, spatially, in imagination and culturally by the riots. These narratives also focus on the differential experience of the woman. A woman recounts how she as a 25-year-old fled the village and tried to survive along with her other friends, elders whereas the men of the villages stayed back only to follow suit soon after. The alienation that the state forces on is also pertinent in the patriarchal order. The Lonely Courtyards have the men relax, rest and prepare for work whereas the women return from work and return to work again after recounting their trials and tribulations and a moment of self-reflection of who they are and where they belong.

Figure 4 Panel from A Lonely Courtyard, A Basumatary, 2018, p. 190

Thwisri (Figure 4), recounts how the riots happened when she was pregnant and lost her child in the relief camp, witnessed largescale deaths due to diseases that spread in the absence of proper sanitation, terrible living conditions in the temporary settlements, and lack of basic amenities, including ration and hygienic toilets. These personal recollections reframe the events in a different manner than an impersonal, public record of memory.

The courtyard provides a space for recollection, and becomes a witness to intangible micro-histories, personal narratives and memories; it exists as an entry and exit point to their temporary ‘homes’ forever retaining the anxiety of ‘homelessness’. The lack of spatial belonging is being overcome by social belonging and these women, working together in farmlands, create new friendships on the basis of the shared histories of struggle, the trauma of losing homes, and in certain cases, even family members to the riots. It is in these moments of recollection, that the protagonists cease to be strangers but rather become neighbours, allies, and companions—a relationship built on the idea of togetherness. It is these temporary spaces that must be reinvented by them as ‘home’, both socially and spatially to not only overcome their feeling of alienation but also to comfort themselves from the disturbing yet persistent reminders of the othering.

Figure 5 Panel from A Lonely Courtyard, A Basumatary, 2018, p.191

The last page (Figure 5) does not have separate panels. It is a splash panel, with an image in the centre in grayscale. With the courtyard in the centre, the imagery feels like a photograph with inverted colours, wherein the source of light and darkness are reversed. The dark, monsoon clouds hover around the courtyard. The blackness of the background permeates the greyish undertones of the page. It works as a frame for the lives, experiences, anxiety, volatility and anguish of the inhabitants of the place. The courtyard stands as a symbol of persistence, etched with trauma, nevertheless, standing testimony to survival and stories.

Figure 6 Panel from A Lonely Courtyard, A Basumatary, 2018, p.193

Incidentally, the strategy is repeated in My Name is Jahanara. The family stands with a background (Figure 6) that is pitch black, located in the centre wherein the rest of the frame is engulfed in bleeding grayscale. Her family’s future is entrapped in the darkness, the inversion of the source of light indicating the faint possibilities of a stable life. The images if analysed further reflects another interpretation—it seems that the foggy frame that is allowing temporary visual access to the people could engulf them in time.

Figure 7 Panel from My Name is Jahanara by A Basumatary, 2018, p. 206

My Name is Jahanara is an assertive story. Clark argued that history is humanised in graphic narratives when they reflect the implications of historical events on people and their lives, reflecting changes in their agencies and experiences (Nayar, 2016 a, p. 14). The narrative is presented in the form of a recounting of a Muslim woman about her experience of the Bodo-Muslim riot, 2012. Drawn from first-hand narratives of Bengali-speaking Muslim women, Jahanara represents the voices of women who witnessed the violence, largescale destruction, and a complete change in their lives in the aftermath of the riots. She begins her narrative by introducing us to her family and then providing us with directions to reach her ‘home’. She says, “our house is one of those with tin walls and broken fences. But before the trouble it was not like this. It was like the other homes that you see” (Basumatary, 2018, p. 194). This allows the readers to note how ‘homes’ have become markers of history, few abandoned, as witnessed in The Lonely Courtyard, few existing in an uncanny relationship with others as witnessed in My Name is Jahanara, wherein different homes inhabit a past that is marked by trauma, displacement and ‘othering’.

The narration progresses with her recounting the day of the riot. She remembers how villages were burnt down and only Muslim houses were targeted. Recounting the trauma of the event, she said that it made her feel “dizzy” and added, “I had never seen our men like that” (Basumatary, 197). Even in recollecting the traumatic past, she mentions, “our men”; years of living together, the experiences and the relationships stand in dissonance with the mad frenzy of rioters. She then recounted her time in relief camps, the temporary arrangement turning into a semi-permanent home, their constant relocations and inhabitable conditions of these settlements. She asserted that government relief funds and assistance never matched the material necessities. The trauma exists and retains its emotional veracity. She says, “I still feel scared”, “my child sometimes cries in his sleep” (Basumatary, 2018, p. 203), she recounts how her husband after visiting the ravished villages broke down unable to acknowledge that all that was familiar was gutted. Their ‘homes’ became empty spaces. Continued harrowing experiences resulted from neighbours, even non-Bodos who refused cooperation and support.

The narrative does not include allegorical devices or symbolic references in many contexts. However, a persistent visual register is used throughout the narrative—a stylised representation of fire is introduced in the opening pages from the bottom right corner and covers the top part of the next page. It reoccurs in a subsequent page where the entire upper part of the page includes a tin/thatched house that seems to be breaking, dismantled and appears as a free-floating object (Figure 8). The fire rages from the roofs. The fire becomes the anchor for the traumatic past. It is, indeed, presented stylistically, with sharp lines, clear boundaries, and darker colours as a way to navigate what happened around it. The displacement began with the advent of fire.

Figure 8 Panel from My Name is Jahanara by A Basumatary, 2018, p. 196-197

In one of the pages that depict the school used as a temporary shelter, a single frame presents CRPF men with clear markers of uniform. Though located at the lower end of the page and in the courtyard of the school, by virtue of iconicity, literally and metaphorically, as will be obvious in the textual narrative, they gain centrality. The next panel presents the image of the other people moving to distant areas, carrying their belongings, figures drooping with the weight of the luggage they are carrying. The sky is overcast with monsoon winds. The reader remains unsure of the temporality of the events. This page is her recollection of the experience during the monsoon, presenting visually and textually the narrative about the inhospitable conditions in the camps. Thick, sharp lines indicating rain run across the page, jarring the visual scape and indicating the force, impact and persistence of its occurrence in their lives. They had to negotiate the harsh natural realities with meagre resources. The inescapability of the situation can be inferred from the netting and grid-like form of the rain, entrapping individuals in the face of riots, inter-ethnic conflicts, lack of adequate governmental assistance and impending threats of the monsoon. In the narrative, there is a page that documents the hurried and frenzied movements of people who are seen running clasping their children and holding their belongings. On another page, small images of humans, albeit hazy, are located in space, little beyond the centre of the page and in the distant horizon; the mosque, albeit small in scale, stands as a metonymic device to articulate the identity of people running that underline the violent history and its massive scale. The iconostasis makes us focus on the small images of the humans, in their hurried disposition to run and move, locating the victims and their situation in the larger narrative of the riots and displacement.

Figure 9 Panel from My Name is Jahanara by A Basumatary, 2018, p. 205

In another page, an image of a document, indicative of an official document with the state emblem of India validating the citizenship of people is located in the centre of the page with nothing else permeating the entire frame. The text below has Jahanara’s narration, “My husband told me that the BTC government was asking our people for land papers. Otherwise, they will kick us out of the country. They tell us to go to Bangladesh. They think we are all Bangladeshis. I have never been to Bangladesh. Neither has my husband. Where will we find our documents? They burnt down everything. I wish I had known” (Basumatary, 2018, p. 205). She adds, “they also say people who do not have land are all Bangladeshis. Does everyone possess land?” (Basumatary, 2018, p. 205).  These narratives challenge the “fictions of equality and citizenship predicated by the postcolonial state” (Marino, 2017). It is the uncertainty centring citizenship that is brought forth effectively in the image of the document that does not reveal any details. The image is emblematic. The document erases human presence. In this narrative, the contested and volatile relationship between the nation and the ethnic communities become explicit. She recounts how CRPF told them, “You better go away from here. We won’t be able to protect you” (Basumatary, 2018, p. 205). While A Market Story uses the first-person pronoun, both A lonely Courtyard and My Name is Jahanara uses the term, “we”, possibly referring to the fact that while the narrative is emerging from an individual, the experiences are shared by people who witnessed and survived the trauma. It is the individual in a community and the community at large whose stories are being told through the first-person narrations. Both these narratives make assertions and raise questions. They ask, “Where will we go?” (My Name is Jahanara) and in The Lonely Courtyard, Birola says, “If you give us more time, we will talk all night long. There are so many stories”.

Conclusion

History is archived in different ways. Personal narratives reclaim the erasures in the official histories. Graphic narratives are a powerful medium that uncovers the affective discourses underlying such narratives. This article demonstrates how these narratives humanise the archives through textualization and visualisation; it examines how, in contrast to the archives that store and emplot data from surveys and interviews, especially of the communities that have witnessed trauma and ethnic violence, the graphic narratives bring forth a sense of orality, restoring the voice to the dislocated. These narratives, using polyphonic speech registers, invocation of the testimonies, choice of panelling and framing, use of visual idioms, textual indices, present a mode of rewriting of history that is indicative of “individual dimensions of the larger social process” (Nayar, 2016 a, p. 14). The narratives through textualization and visualisation help us understand how communities remember their past, survive the traumatic present and negotiate their volatile existence vis-à-vis the nation-state through everyday encounters.

Declaration of Conflict of Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest.

Funding

No funding has been received for the publication of this article. It is published free of any charge.

References

Basumatary, A. (2018). My Name is Jahanara. In V. Sabhaney (ed.), First Hand: Graphic narratives from India (Vol. II) (pp. 194-205). New Delhi: Yoda Press.

Basumatray, A. (2018). The Lonely Courtyard. In V. Sabhaney (ed.), First Hand: Graphic narratives from India (Vol. II) (pp. 184-192). New Delhi: Yoda Press.

Chute, H. (2008). “Comics as literature? Reading graphic narrative”. PMLA, 452-465.

Debroy, D. (2011). Graphic novels in India: East transforms West. Bookbird: A Journal of International Children’s Literature, 33-39.

Evans, J. C., & Giddens, T. (Eds.) (2013). Cultural excavation and formal expression in the graphic novel. Inter-Disciplinary Press: Witney.

Krätli, G. (2018). The Indian graphic novel: Nation, history and critique. In Pramod Nayar. Postcolonial Text, 13(2), 1-3.

Madan, A. (2018). The Indian graphic novel: Nation, history and critique. South Asian Review, 39(1-2), 259-263.

Madan, A. (2017). Sita’s Ramayana’s negotiation with an Indian epic picture storytelling tradition. In M.A. Abate & G.A.Tarbox (Eds.), Graphic novels for children and young adults: A collection of critical essays (312-331). Jackson: University of Mississippi Press.

Marino, (2017). Resisting slow violence: Writing, activism, and environmentalism. In N. S. R.Ciocca (ed.), Indian literature and the world: Multilingualism, translation and the public sphere (pp. 177-199). London: Palgrave Macmillan.

Matta, M. (2017). The novel and the North-East: Indigenous narratives in Indian literatures. In N. S. R.Ciocca (ed.), Indian literature and the world: Multilingualism, translation and the public sphere (pp. 177-199). London: Palgrave Macmillan.

Medhurst, M. J., & Desousa, M.A. (1981). Political cartoons as rhetorical form: A taxonomy of graphic  discourse. In  Communication Monographs, 48, 197-236.

Mitra, K. (2020). Graphic novels as literary journalism: An analysis of aesthetics and authenticity in the narratives of select Indian graphic novels. (Unpublished Mphil Dissertation). Christ University, Bangalore.

Mondal, K., & Banerjee, J. (2021). Silence, satire and empathy: Reading Appupen’s topoi in his wordless graphic narratives. Rupkatha Journal on Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities13(4), 1-11.

Nayar, P. K. (2009). The visual turn: Affect, autobiography, history, and the graphic narrative. IUP Journal of American Literature, 2(3-4), 58-72.

Nayar, P. K. (2016 a). The Indian graphic novel: Nation, history and critique. Routledge India.

Nayar, P. K. (2016 b). The forms of history: This Side, That Side, graphic narrative and the partitions of the Indian subcontinent. Journal of Postcolonial Writing, 481-493.

Kirpal, N. (2018, June 30). First Hand 2: Second Volume of non-fiction graphic novel tells stories of exclusion, struggle in India, Firstpost.

Samam, T. A. (2019). Introduction. In T. A. Samom (ed.), Crafting the word: writings from Manipur (pp. 1-17). New Delhi: Zubaan Books.

Sarma, P. M. (2013). Towards an appreciative paradigm for literatures of the Northeast. In M. C. Zama, Emerging literatures from Northeast India: The dynamics of culture, society and identity (pp. 37-46). New Delhi: Sage.

Shankar, N. R., & Changmai, D. (2019). Word, image and alienated literacies in the graphic novels of Orijit Sen. Word & Image: A Journal of Verbal/Visual Enquiry, 112-125.

Sharma, I. (2017). Negotiations of home and belonging in the Indian graphic novels Corridor by Sarnath Banerjee and Kari by Amruta Patil. South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal, 1-23.

Yumnam, K. (2019). A Market Story. In T. A. Samom (ed.), Crafting the word: Writings from Manipur (pp. 181-189). New Delhi: Zubaan Books.

1Dr Rolla Das teaches in CHRIST (Deemed to be University) Bangalore. Her areas of interests are language studies, graphic novels, feminist writing, pedagogy and cinema.

2Dr Abhaya N.B.  teaches in CHRIST (Deemed to be University) Bangalore. She is interested in women’s writing across the world, pedagogy and higher education administration.

Book Review: Wari: A Collection of Manipuri Short Stories by Linthoi Chanu

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Publisher: Notion Press. Date of Publication: November, 2019. Language: English. Pages: 143, Price: INR 299/-. ISBN 978-1-64661-788-3.   

Reviewed by

Adiba Faiyaz

Department of English at Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, India. Email: adiba.english@gmail.com

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022. Pages 1-3. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne43

First published: June 30, 2022 | AreaNortheast India | LicenseCC BY-NC 4.0

(This review is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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Short Stories, as a genre, has remained popular among academics for their brevity and for their hard-hitting precise themes. Manipuri Short stories in recent times have drawn the attention of the readers even outside Manipur which has emerged as a more mature and powerful form of writing with its close association with Manipuri cultures and traditions. These stories dealt mainly with issues of class, caste, community, discrimination, dominance, hardships, and exclusion. Often these writings concentrate on the societal pattern of life depicting the struggle for survival. In the current trend of Manipuri Short stories, one would notice a clear and blunt depiction of every social and lived reality of the people of the region. All such crises and pressure that emerge in the realm of socio-politico-economic turmoil of the place find recognition in these works. The earlier depiction of the spirit of romanticism in Manipuri short stories soon got replaced by themes abounding in everyday fear and anxiety.

Wari: A Collection of Manipuri Short Stories by Linthoi Chanu is a collection of eight unique stories that introduce readers to the rich cultural traditions and nuances of Manipur. In her other book, The Tales of Kanglei Throne, (2020) she writes about the mythological stories of Manipur. “Wari” in Manipuri means Story. The stories presented by Chanu are contemporary yet historical in taste, which is blended with tales of black magic, superstitions, and other cultural beliefs of the people of the region. For first-time readers, Wari offers a good insight into the socio-cultural fabric of the state. All eight stories are unusually driven and very different from one another. The stories are carefully handpicked to open a window into the terrains of the life situations that have been or are in practice.

The author opens her book with the first story titled, “Near Immortal”. It is a story of an old woman, Tharo, who outlives her younger generation. The story points towards the ancient belief of older citizens living life longer than they are expected to. The story has two different perspectives to offer— the voice of science and logic as advocated by the young doctor and the belief of the society in black magic and superstitions. The story has an open-ended dimension leaving it to the choice of readers to interpret. Khoidouwa, the theme of this story, is an urban legend based on a foul practice of black magic. This short story is also a tale of people across generations and their beliefs.

The second story on the list is called “The Hound.” Just like its title, the story revolves around two characters, Pirel, the young college student, and the dog. The story tells us about the harmonious relationship between humans and animals. It revolves around the occasion of ‘Ekoukhatpa’ ceremony. The story restores the age-old faith in the security and beliefs in ancestral deity worship. The divine guardian reappearing to protect their children in “the happy form of a hound…” (p. 33) talks about an integral faith of the Meitei community.

The third short story, “When in War”, starts with the depiction of a boat race festival on the shore of Kanglapat where the boat wailed as a sign of warning for any catastrophe. The protagonist, Kunjabihari being ignorant of the reason why he had to participate in this war is a reflection upon many innocent lives, adversely affected by war and its aftermath because of the political motifs of the powerful Kunjbihari taking care of the war captive, talks about human relationship based on empathy and respect. The captive is not just an enemy soldier but also a guest.  Years later, when his grandson sings the same lullaby that the soldier used to sing while staying at his place, Kunjbihari finds ultimate solace. The reference to war is to the Second World War and to Imphal being the fierce battleground for the Japanese and the Allied Forces.

 “Amity in Queue”, the fourth short story in the series, is an extremely sensitive story. Behind the landlocked state, sister bonding is starkly visible. Sakhi and her new acquaintance, Thabalei, struggling really hard to fill the petrol tank of their Activa, give us an insight into the life and happenings of the people of Manipur. Essential commodities were often brought by trucks and they would get over very soon. Chanu goes on to depict one such typical scene of the road blockades. Surviving with such limited means with hiked prices throws light on the everyday struggle. The story ends with Sakhi returning home with no petrol and with the thought that she might not be able to meet her newfound friend ever again.

The story “Hags of Mountain” uses the technique of story within a story to talk about a popular mythological creature, Loudraobi, from the legends of Manipur. This story about deep forest dwellers helps us understand the belief and system related to forest dwellers. Unlike the previous generation, the modern generation considers the myth of Loudraobi as a story of forest mammals only. “Forbidden Passion”, the next short story addresses the problem of drug abuse as prevalent in Manipur during the 1980s. Young college students, going to study away from home, often became victims of consuming drugs and getting addicted to it. This social crisis still persists.

“The Scarlet Haophi” and “Floating Dreams” are the last two stories in the book. The former highlights the indigenous faith of the Meiteis. In Manipur, water bodies such as canals, and lakes are considered to be the dwelling places of ancient Gods and hence, they are to be treated with love and respect. The last short story revolves around the lives of three children Senyenbi, Sarif, and Phajabi earnestly waiting for their teachers to keep their dreams floating.

Both chapter illustrations and cover illustrations have been skillfully done by Kaniska Mutum. Her pictorial representation at the beginning of each chapter raises the curiosity of the readers and leads us to hastily dive into the story. It also serves as a picture book where the book and the picture both seem to convey the stories. Thus, the book provides a polyphony of words and images. The eight short stories in Wari are a combination of written texts and visual images together juxtaposed together, a kind of representation that effectively delineates the nuances of Manipuri culture and traditions. How a picture is interpreted largely depends on cultural assumptions and hence a book like this demands a different degree of attention and observation on the part of the reader. This intersection of verbal and visual signs helps us imbibe a response that is an amalgamation of critical and creative perspectives.

The hallmark of Chanu’s work rests on her understanding and sensitivity in using the Manipuri words in her short stories just to maintain close proximity with the larger body of Manipuri literature. Interestingly, the author’s research on Manipuri literary traditions and concerns gets reflected in the vast array of subjects that ranges from the mythological to the contemporary themes. To me, these are the two different paths around which Chanu largely frames her arguments around.

In conclusion, it can be said that Chanu’s stories would be of interest to the general readers as well as to scholars on Manipuri literature and culture, for her stories provide fresh insights into Manipuri society. The stories are easy to comprehend, written in a language that has ample use of the local terms adding to its charm. The terms are then well explained in the glossary provided at the end of the stories. The glossary is detailed and well explained. The book takes you on a ride to get introduced to the folklore and mythical stories of Manipur. This is also a book for those who are interested in the traditional folktales of the region. Significantly, Linthoi Chanu dedicates her book to “the seekers” (Wari, Chanu). Indeed, in her stories, the seekers are likely to find what they are looking for. In Chanu’s own words from the author’s note, “…we all carry the naïve wonders of our cultural and traditional credence in our heart as a part of our identity” (Wari, Chanu). The book faithfully captures the stories and beliefs that Chanu wants to showcase. The book is fairly priced and keeps our interest intact till the very end. One of the most popular Manipuri sayings tells us to give a watch to the one that tells stories. I would be happy to hand over the watch to Chanu, the storyteller, to enchant the listeners with her next ‘wari’.

Adiba Faiyaz is an Assistant Professor in the Department of English at Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh

Book Review: Name, Place Animal Thing by Daribha Lyndem

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Publisher: Zubaan Books. Date of Publication: 20 April 2021. Language: English. Price. No. pages 208. Price: INR 329/- ISBN 10: ? 819476050X

Reviewed by

Sandhya Tiwari

Palamuru University, Telangana, India. Email: drstpu@gmail.com

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022. Pages 1-4. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne42

First published: June 30, 2022 | AreaNortheast India | LicenseCC BY-NC 4.0

(This review is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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Name, Place, Animal, Thing is an engrossing debut by Daribha Lyndem, a civil servant from Shillong, Meghalaya. Shortlisted for the JCB Prize for Literature 2021, it is a collection of ten chapters with a young Khasi girl from Shillong, named D, as the narrator who takes us through the memories of her childhood and teenage days, interspersed with depictions that many may easily relate to as D’s life revolves around her family, teachers, and school friends. She captures with adorable simplicity childhood fantasies like greeting card shops, glitters, colour pencils, games, friends, adventure etc. Her innocent curiosity is overpowered because of her surroundings. The conflicts that are largely internal, though insignificant, are universal in their appeal and it is also important to note that these stories are narrated through the eyes of a child who captures and transmits these experiences with microscopic precision. These coming-of-age stories set during the early 2000s are fascinating that give us a peep into the intricacies of race, class, religion, and politics in the capital city of Shillong. While going through the narrator’s account of the changes in her city that now barely holds the traces of what it previously was, readers may relate to having experienced similar situations that quickly establish an undercurrent of ‘mutuality’ and nostalgia.

The vignettes in Name, Place, Animal, Thing are objective depictions where the narrator witnesses everything but remains a mute onlooker. She brings in bits and pieces of the lives of a few people around and in doing so, we get a glimpse of their predicaments and conflicts, but never their relevance to the narrative – except a haze of nostalgia that recollections often are.

 We were the only house in the neighbourhood to have pretty white picket fences. They did not last very long. In time the rain seeped through the wood, damaging it, and the white paint cracked and turned grey like wrinkles on skin. They were soon replaced with a brick-and-mortar wall topped with spikes. At first it was just a brick wall, but the spikes were installed after Mr. Roy was attacked outside. (NPAT. p. 52)

Each chapter is focused on one character and through that character, readers are introduced to one more aspect of Shillong. Unfortunately, the narrator maneuvers the course and takes us through the happenings that cloud the ‘concern’ established at the beginning of the story. Owing to this, though all the individual depictions form the backdrop, the cultural and social intricacies and the volatility in Shillong are not embedded into the narrative or in the thematic development. “Except for the odd tussle between a non-tribal and the Khasis, in my young mind I felt hardly anything interesting went on in our town,” (NPAT, p. 34) she says, referring to the antagonism between the Khasis that form the majority as one of the three major indigenous ethnic tribes of Meghalaya, and the Dkhars, the colloquial word to refer (often derogatory) to the non-tribals.

The author presents gripping narrations that depict the attitude of the Khasis towards the migrants from other communities such as Nepalis, Chinese, Biharis, and Bengalis; the violence against the ‘outsiders’ or the Dkhars; the political movements, and the religious dynamics of the city. The narrator captures the antipathy between Khasis and the Dkhars during her growing up years and skillfully interlaces them in the vignettes. In one such vignette, she records her helplessness. Bahadur, a kind Nepali who always assisted the entire housing community by sacrificing even his sleep and family time.

Bahadur worked as the guard, gardener, driver and caretaker all rolled into one. The place would be in shambles if not for him. He made life comfortable for everyone around him. (NPAT, p.10)

But, when an unfortunate event struck his family, he was left stranded as no one came forward to help him.

On hearing the noise, other neighbours came to their windows to ascertain what had happened but, as I watched, they did nothing to help. Mrs. Kharsyntiew, who lived with her three sons, peeked through the window while all this transpired. I saw the ruffle of the lace curtain being pulled back abruptly by someone in that house. They did not bother to come out. …..The Purkhayatas and the Lyngwas also watched from their windows. (NPAT, p. 22)

It is only her parents who went to help him, withstand the horrific incident. This incident makes her realize that it is not only the differences between the Dkhars and Khasis that are the causes of conflicts but something that goes much beyond that. This indifference is reintegrated when Tommy Lu, a Chinese immigrant from Kolkata who moves to her City to run a successful Chinese restaurant was forced to shut down his business because he failed to pay Saw Dak, an insurgent group. As the narrator grows up, the focus in her stories also changes like her newfound emotional bond with her Hindi teacher. Throughout these stories, one aspect remains constant and it is how D always ruminates on the happenings around her. Albeit few stories that have a somber tone, Daribha dexterously weaves the stories and spruces them, making it easier for the readers to not feel too overwhelmed.

D’s life, like the book, is a collection of memories that define and shape not only her ideas and thoughts but also opinions and emotions. The Khasi girl is constantly introspecting and questioning the world around her. The entire narrative becomes a mosaic etched in tales of living with differences, learning about inequalities, experiencing the odds and evens, and the unconditional exchanges in friendships all from the eyes of the narrator. This is a classic representation to exhort the role that memory plays in the life of an individual. While reading the novel, a reader can feel the poignant compassion that is evoked by the narrator’s accounts. It is as if the narrator is looking into the eyes and talking. The book does come together very well in the end where all the threads, each representing a story, join to strengthen the theme and present a picture of childhood and friendship of the Khasi girl, D.

When it comes to writing style readers can feel the semblance in style and language of Daribha Lyndem with the likes of RK Narayan and Ruskin Bond. The imageries paint the picturesque locale of the hill station with its beauty and bounty of Shillong. While reading this book one can fantasize about one of the wettest spots in India when the narration sharpens its focus on the luxuriant verdurous hills; the rain-soaked bridges; cold air that turns breath into fog; rows of eucalyptus shooting up in the heaven from roadsides; the Wah Umkhrah river that meanders through Shillong; houses fenced by bamboo sticks covered with creepers; women in beautiful jaiñsems, the traditional attire of the Khasis; and the sporadic hailstones. The editorial exercises could have been sharper to take care of some of the typos etc. On the whole, Name Place Animal Thing comes with a unique appeal. Though it is a thin volume, the impact lasts longer in the mind of a reader.

Dr. Sandhya Tiwari is an Assistant Professor, Department of English, Palamuru University, Telangana, India.

Book Review: Materiality and Visuality in North-East India: An Interdisciplinary Perspective by Tiplut Nongbri and Rashi Bhargava

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Publisher: Springer, Singapore. Date of publication: 2021. Language: English. ISBN 978-981-16-1969-4 ISBN 978-981-16-1970-0 (eBook) Price of the book- INR 10,152 (pages 217)

Reviewed by

Richa Chilana

School of Liberal Studies, University of Petroleum and Energy Studies (UPES), Dehradun, India. Email: richa.chilana@ddn.upes.ac.in

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022. Pages 1-4. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne41

First published: June 30, 2022 | AreaNortheast India | LicenseCC BY-NC 4.0

(This review is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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Materiality and Visuality in North-East India (2021), is a valuable addition to the field of material and visual studies, bridging the gap between fields that are seen as belonging to two different discursive domains. While material studies engages with the link between people and things that are deployed to signify or question identity, visual studies grapples with the production and distribution of visual images. The foreword penned by Patricia Uberoi underlines the importance of this bridge as it recognises the agency of the subject in their representation, contesting the dominant colonial and neo-colonial narratives and the ubiquitous ‘culture industry.’ The foreword also narrates the journey of ‘Uberoi Collection of Indian Calendar Art’ which emerged at a time when Indian art historians were solely interested in antiquated pieces while those working within the domain of folk narratives and crafts bemoaned the loss/disappearance of artefacts or made them marketable to be used as home décor. Film critics premised their judgement by making a distinction between what qualifies as art and what is ‘popular’, while social science considered the idea of interpreting images as frivolous when juxtaposed with ‘real’ social, cultural, and political problems. It was much later that a serious engagement with visual studies began in humanities and social sciences.

This volume was a consequence of the discussions and deliberations at the International Conference by the same name organised by the Centre for North-East Studies and Policy Research (CNESPR), Jamia Millia Islamia in 2019. It looks at photography, advertisements, clothing, textile production, indie comics, foodscapes, musical forms, tea gardens, and digital media by tremendously expanding the range of visual and material signs. The book focuses on the cognitive dimension of images by looking at how their construction, representation, and circulation enable a certain kind of construction of the self and its other.

Although North-East has diverse and various sub-regional cultures, it is often seen as a monolithic, homogenous category by ‘mainstream’ India. The editors and authors do not succumb to the temptation of offering an alternative definition or understanding of the category of North-East but make a strong case for agency in defining and representing their selves instead of being the object of material and visual studies. Although it is set in the North-East of India the authors do not attempt a sociological reading of the term, instead, they build their argument by taking it as a geopolitical space to unravel the issues it encounters. The focus on material and visual culture offers a window to unravel the changes that have happened in the region and discusses how and why certain images and discourses are produced and disseminated and how can we better understand the lived and discursive realities of the present. The contributors to the volume use the available analytical tools of humanities and social sciences but also intervene methodologically by not reducing materiality and visuality to aesthetic delights and insist on their ability to construct, contest and disseminate meanings.

The linguistic turn in the social sciences iterated the significance of text and textuality but the last three decades have witnessed a material and visual turn with a focus on objects and images which constitute culture. Instead of looking at methodological approaches and analytical tools within social sciences in a linear way, it is imperative that we draw upon all of these to sharpen our understanding of the complexities and ambiguities of our times while also being self-reflective of our approaches. Instead of a mere structural and semiotic analysis, the material and visual turn are revelatory of the functioning of power and systems of knowledge production and distribution. The authors and editors argue how material and visual are “powerful agents in not only ways of seeing but also ways of knowing and, consequently, of being” (p. xi). This shift in approach also makes us alert to why certain forms of knowledge appear and disappear at certain moments of time in history and why some images are circulated more than others. This shift of lens also shows how communities in the North-East are defining themselves and their cultural identity, although it remains to be seen how these definitions are repetitions or contestations of existing ideas about the North-East.

The material culture of North-East India has been a subject of discussion in fields as diverse as history, museology, anthropology, geography, ethnography, etc. but they have largely been seen as artefacts or objects of a social structure or organization. In both colonial and post-colonial research, they have been reproduced in written texts to complement the argument, thus indicating the logophilia and iconophobia of disciplines like anthropology. The choice of images is solely contingent on the whims and fancies of the ethnographer with those who are being photographed being completely robbed of a voice and agency. Avitoli Zimo argues in her chapter how early anthropologists used photographs to prove their presence and their ‘scientific approach’ with a complete absence of self-reflexivity while depicting the ‘exotic’ other in the form of Naga tribes. The exoticization of North-East India has continued since colonial times, an approach that is theoretically unsound and dangerous since policy-making is often governed by stereotypes about the North-East.

A deeper focus on material and spiritual as “communicative agents (non-human actors) and objects of knowledge production” also helps us understand the sites where these objects are produced and circulated. Objects exist in relation to each other and materiality is linked to immateriality, thus the absence of something is as significant as its presence in terms of its contribution to meaning. The volume draws upon W. J. T Mitchell’s understanding of visuality as a dialectical relationship between images and society and Ramaswamy’s “regimes of seeing and being seen” (2003, xiv). Nicholas Mirzoeff’s visuality (how dominant regimes separate, classify and create a hierarchy of images) and counter-visuality (how the dominated assert their subjectivity) is also enabling to look at the structures and processes of North-East India and the thorny relationship between the dominant and the dominated. Chapters such as that of Alban von Stockhausen look at photography and clothing to understand how colonial modernity is embodied and the way the lens created by the colonial gaze determines one’s perception of one’s self. Through its methodological approach, the chapter challenges the binary of observer and observed to indicate the fluid nature of the relationship between the two.

The book is divided into three sections — “Objects, Images and Meanings: Methodological Interventions”, “Material and Visual as Vehicles of Power and Hegemony: Adaptations and Negotiations” and “Imagination, Imagery and Identity: Representations and Subversions.” The three chapters in the first section contribute to the ever-expanding field of Naga studies, for instance, the chapter by Alison Kahn and Catriona Child attempts to unravel the history of museums containing Naga artefacts in Europe, imagining them as biographical entities undertaking a journey from the museum to Nagaland and back, collecting new voices or commentary on the museums by the source communities. The chapters in the second section with a focus on tea estates in Assam, photographs were taken during official events in Arunachal Pradesh between 1950 and 1970, musical practices of the Hau-Tangkhul community in Mizoram, sartorial practices of the Mizos, and images of tea in print advertisements such as that of Times of India in the 1940s engage with how objects are embedded in power relations and how communities respond to these objects. For instance, the chapter by Prithiraj Borah and Rowena Robinson discusses the gendered space of the cha-bagan of Assam by focusing on material structures such as the Bungalow, and the dissemination of images of minis (women plantation workers) on social media. The hierarchical and deeply entrenched power dynamics are glossed over by the idyllic and exotic images of plantations in advertisements, billboards etc. The third section while looking at food and foodscapes, the metaphorical use of momo in C. Sailo’s graphic novel Momo Sapiens, the ways in which Assam has been imagined over the years, and the textile practices of the Tangkhul Nagas sdddd a cautionary note on the dangers of romanticising or glamourising any and every act of resistance/subversion.

All the chapters in the volume with their close scrutiny of materiality and visuality indicate the intermeshing of what we see, how we derive meaning from, “seeing, knowing and being” (p. xxv), and processes that change with the change in social, cultural, economic and political contexts. This volume is crucial in terms of its ethnographic focus on the North-East, the methodological interventions in the sustained focus on materiality and visuality, and its thematic link, i.e., the dialectic between ways of seeing, epistemology and ontology. Although the book focuses on North-East India, the broader focus on materialty and visuality lends it a universal appeal, especially with regard to the erstwhile colonised communities.

References

Mirzoeff, N. (2011). The Right to Look: The Counterhistory of Visulaity. Duke University Press.

Mitchell, W. J. T. (2002). Showing Seeing: A Critique of Visual Culture. Journal of Visual Culture. Vol 1(2): 165–81

Ramaswamy, S, ed. (2003). Beyond Appearances (?): Visual Practices and Ideologies in Modern India. Sage Publications.

Richa Chilana is an Assistant Professor in the School Liberal Studies at the University of Petroleum and Energy Studies, Dehradun. Earlier she served for a decade at the Department of English, Maitreyi College, University of Delhi. She did her PhD from JNU, the title of her doctoral thesis was Negotiating the Veil: Purdah in Twentieth-Century Indian English Writing.

Book Review: The Last Light of Glory Days: Stories from Nagaland by Avinuo Kire

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Publisher: Speaking Tiger. Date of Publication: 2021. Language” English. Price: Rs.350/- Number of Pages: 184. ISBN: 9789390477456

Reviewed by

Lucy Keneikhrienuo Yhome

Department of English and Cultural Studies, CHRIST (Deemed to be University), Bangalore, India. Email id: keneikhrienuo.yhome@res.christuniversity.in

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022. Pages 1-4. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne40

First published: June 30, 2022 | AreaNortheast India | LicenseCC BY-NC 4.0

(This review is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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“The times, how strange they were” (p. 9). The opening sentence of Avinuo Kire’s The Last Light of Glory Days: Stories from Nagaland plunges its readers straight into the book’s unforgettable perspectives on the lived experiences of the Naga communities, which are often referred to as ‘people stories’. Kire’s portrayal of the Naga lifeworld offers tales of terror, magic, myths, cultural rituals, spiritualism, and traditions that are interwoven with contemporary Naga narratives.

The Indo-Naga conflict has had a lifelong impact on the Naga tribal community; the devastating effects of border politics on tribal culture have led to the intrusion of mainland India into people’s lives and scarred the Nagas and their relationship with the Indian government for decades. The Indo-Naga conflict is an ongoing dispute; Nagaland was declared a “disturbed area,” extending power to the AFSPA since 1958.

What spectators, critics, academicians, and even the media have failed to recognise and represent is the lived reality of the Nagas. Examining lived experiences illuminates the resilience of people for whom political horrors are an everyday reality: terror and magic coexist with military occupancy in the Naga hills. The Last Light of Glory Days: Stories from Nagaland is divided into two sections: ‘The Disturbance’ and ‘New Tales from an Old World’. The end of the colonial era was indeed the beginning of the actual war, termed ‘The Disturbance,’ for the Nagas. ‘The Disturbance’ clubs together three women’s intergenerational family stories, set against the backdrop of the Indo-Naga conflict. ‘New Tales from an Old World’ introduces the Naga lifeworld imbued with nativised Naga Christianity, myths, and folklore.

The titular story, “The Last Light of Glory Days,” offers a historical perspective on Naga history narrated through women’s eyes. A young, naive Angami woman, Neimenuo speaks about how the Nagaland in which she grew up in the 1960s was infused with terror, love, marriage, family, and the enthusiasm for the Naga nationalism. As the conflict between the Nagas and the Indian military intensifies with the formation of the state of Nagaland in 1963 under the Indian Union, Neimenuo’s dream of a normal life is disrupted when her young fiancé joins the Naga Army. “I remember thinking the colour of happiness must be sanguine,” (p. 16) she says of her wedding day, implying how the term also etymologically invokes bloodshed. What is particularly devastating is the murder of Zhabu by another Naga factional group; Naga nationalism drifts completely from its original ambitions as more factional groups are formed. The silencing of women in such meta-narratives is highlighted by Neimenuo when she asserts, “I like to think that I have also served our nation in my own way” (p. 17).

 In the second story, “Flower Children,” the little girl Pete is taken away by the Indian army on her way back from school for interrogation, leaving her traumatised for life. The author emphasises the representation of Nagaland in the 1990s through the perspective of Neimenuo’s granddaughter, focusing on the continued disturbance in the state within the Naga factional groups or with the Indian paramilitary forces. People’s lives are defined by encroachment of the centre in the form of unannounced raids and the torture of the family members of the Naga Army.

 In “Sharing Stories,” the author examines the stigma of racial hatred, xenophobia, and the unresolved generational trauma between the Indian and Naga races. The protagonist marries a mainland Indian, breaking generational trauma but scarring her relationship with her grandmother. The author reinstates the ongoing tension and mistrust between the mainland Indians, the ‘tephremia,’ and Nagas: “For Grandmother, India was synonymous with the army; with the sweaty men in green” (p. 46). The grandmother and granddaughter’s conflicting ideologies towards British colonialism underscore how racism is faced by the later generations of migrant Indians in Nagaland and by Nagas in mainland India. Kire’s writing powerfully explores the longstanding psychoses that characterise racism and xenophobia.

The second section of the book, “New Tales from an Old World,” consists of seven stories about ordinary people and their extraordinary lives, delving into the Naga lifeworld and tribal philosophy, epistemologies, and spiritualism. Storytelling as an art and life form for the Nagas is believed to have psychological values, especially for oral communities. “The Memory Healer” authenticates the value of storytelling and listening in the contemporary Naga world through Neinuo, the memory healer who epitomises a repository of traumatic memories. The nightmares of the war veteran, the wounded look of a single mother with her three children, and the stoic child who is sexually abused by her neighbour are examples of the many untold stories in Naga society that come to life through Kire’s skillful blending of magic realism and political realities.

“The Visitors” plunges the reader into the lifeworld and tribal belief systems in Naga societies, deconstructing the binary between the human and the spirit worlds as human beings wage wars with the spirits. Neibou hosts the spirits, and the little girl Khriesinuo witnesses the warrior spirits demonstrating that spirits and humans can interact despite occupying different worlds. “When the Millet Flower Grows” investigates the dilemma of Christianity and traditional faith in the Naga lifeworld. The native faith finds its place in the contemporary Naga world through traditional rituals and the “Tekhumiavi” or were-tiger. “Tekhumiavi” is more than a myth in the Angami community: it is portrayed as a reality that breaks the binaries of the human and the non-human, linking the two worlds.

“The Light” powerfully represents the issue of sexual abuse in Naga society and the importance f being informed about sexual harassment. The child is abused by her tutor, but her parents are ignorant of the situation; the light saves her from further horrors. The notion of the Spirit always finds its place in the lived realities of the Nagas, and one such is the forest spirit. “Forest Spirit” narrates the story of a schoolboy named Olio who possesses a magical stone and his spiritual journey with the gemstone. Olio possesses something that belongs to the forest. The author enlightens her readers on environmental consciousness through the forest spirit and tribal practices, which reflect the belief that one should take from nature only what is needed. “Longkhum” represents a village in Mokokchung, believed to be a place where the souls of a person go before their final transition to heaven. The story is about the last journey of Keze with her husband Sato before his demise, extending towards Naga spiritualism on the meanings of life and death.

From the academic perspective, The Last Light of Glory Days: Stories from Nagaland is an extraordinarily incisive contribution to contemporary narratives on Naga studies. It formulates detailed historical information, specifically on people’s experience of the Indo-Naga conflict, and expands the Naga worldview. Besides scholarship, the book offers an insider’s perspective on the Naga community.  Kire’s didactic execution of the stories about her people and implementation of the Tenyidie dialect in the stories propagate a decisive commitment: the volume is described as “both a political declaration and a personal love-note to her land” (the back cover blurb).

Another invaluable way in which this collection is significant is in its representation of the many Naga women, barely mentioned in history books, who are war survivors, freedom fighters, and single, economically independent parents. The anthology is a seminal affirmation of the Nagas’ lived experience against the backdrop of the Indo-Naga conflict, hence for researchers from the disciplines of history, literature, and cultural studies, the book is an indispensable source of information offering critical assessments on the Indo-Naga conflict and its long-term impact on the Naga community. Writing in English blended with distinctly Naga sociolinguistic elements simultaneously contributes authenticity and aids in inviting a larger global audience to participate in the act of gathering and narrating ‘peoplestories’.

The first short story, “The Last Light of Glory Days,” is perhaps the most haunting of the collection, with its constant reminders that experiences are replete with paradoxes: the terrible political turbulence of ‘The Disturbance’ is personally “a time of sublime happiness” (p. 12) for Neimenuo because she’s in love. Her narrative ends with the image of her biting into a cherry tomato from her garden: “It burst into flavour inside my mouth, unmistakably sweet and sour, all at once” (p. 27). The book is ending with an evocative image in the final story, “Longkhum,” in which Keze’s “hot, happy tears” (p. 183) wet the petals of the red rhododendron cupped in her hand as she closes her eyes and relives the past. Kire’s prose vividly juxtaposes the personal and the political, blurring the lines between the binaries of epistemic categories to remind us that ambiguities are ubiquitous, especially in conflict-ridden times and places.

Lucy Keneikhrienuo Yhome is presently a PhD scholar in the Department of English and Cultural Studies at Christ (Deemed to be) University, Bangalore working on the thesis titled, Intersecting Gender and Ecocriticism in the works of Naga writer, Easterine Kire. She also obtained her M.Phil on Elie Wiesel and Yael Dayan from the same university.

Architecture without architects: Eavesdropping into the Reang House’s dialogue with its environment

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Aritra Gupta

VIT, Vellore, India. Email: guptaaritra2@gmail.com

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022. Pages 1-16. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne39

First published: June 30, 2022 | AreaNortheast India | LicenseCC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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Abstract

‘Vernacular Architecture’, according to Kingston Heath, represents a localized response to broad cultural systems, historical events, and environmentally determined regional forces, in short, an observable condition of dynamic cultural and environmental change and accommodation expressed in built form, whereby simultaneous identities exist (Heath 210). True to this spirit of a dialogue with the environment, it can also be defined as built form, or building techniques, that are distinctly indigenous, arise out of need and are driven primarily by materiality. The North-East of India, in particular Tripura, has a distinct cultural identity that also translates into its architectural style. Tribal architecture is highly risk resistant, bio-climatically sustainable and culturally relevant to the region. It is also very unique in its approach to overcome the site-specific restrictions that it is prone to. The social, cultural and ethnic significance that this style carries helps to define the architectural heritage of a region whose rich building traditions have not yet been investigated enough. This paper aims to look at an indigenous housing typology of Tripura- the Reang House, investigate it through the parameters pre-established for “Vernacular” architecture and dissect the socio-cultural implications of the same. The typology is examined through the lens of building climatology, technique, materiality, regional and social context, and cultural significance. The aim of this investigation is to again, define the typology and its relevance, given the region it is born out of and largely represents.

Keywords: Tripura, Reang, Vernacular, Indigenous, Housing, Architecture, Bamboo.

Academic architectural scholarship in Asia has been almost solely concerned with major high-style monuments, hardly at all with vernacular building, or towns as such.

(Wurster and Bauer, 1959)

Introduction

Coming to terms with the “vernacular” in architecture

In the historical sense, the terms “vernacular” and “regional” are often considered virtually interchangeable. Vernacular, as a term, is derived from the Latin root “vernaculus” which describes something as native, domestic and/or indigenous (Paul Oliver, 1997& 2006). In the linguistic context, vernacular refers to a native language or dialect, especially its normal colloquial or spoken form with its commonly used, recognized, and decipherable speech patterns characteristic of a specific region, something that Dell Hymes refers to as “ethnography of speaking” (Hymes 1996), in contrast to the formal literary language of a society that is oriented toward global academic discourse. The same distinction applies to vernacular buildings and vernacular landscapes as well. Vernacular buildings and settings are regionally distinct, regionally representative, and regionally understood. Architecturally, vernacular broadly points to building typologies and technologies that have developed without influence from western academic architectural nous and training (Robert Brown & Daniel Maudlin, 2012).

A definition that is derived to such an extent from exclusionary principles, unfortunately, casts a wide net. Broadly speaking, the Favellas of Brazil, Igloos of Finland, and Chettinadu houses of Tamil Nadu all qualify as vernacular (Robert Brown & Daniel Maudlin, 2012). This definition, thus, is not very fruitful in establishing a qualitative understanding of what exactly vernacular signifies in architecture all the more since ‘Vernacular Studies’, ‘Vernacular Architecture’etal. and all such related fields of inquiry nucleate around the notion of regional identity by prioritising terms and phrases such as “authenticity,” “a sense of place,” or genius loci, assuming that an authentic landscape is a fixed entity, a fragment of the past that has endured the ravages of nature and human action. And it is exactly here that scholars like Nezar Al Sayyad suggest that tradition and cultural heritage (of which architecture is a part) should be understood in terms of a world in flux, rather than as an enduring or fixed concept. Hence, Heath speaks of arriving at the realisation that regional settings are linked inextricably to cultural processes and, in turn, serve as the kernel of vernacular architecture studies today (Kingston Wm. Heath, 2006/2007). In sync with these arguments, this paper too attempts at understanding the Reang House of Tripura as a case in point that initiates a multilayered discourse between its built form and various other stakeholders viz. climate, topography, ethnicity, religion, social forces, cultural systems, community participation, historical events, and environmentally determined regional forces. It has to be remembered here that vernacular architecture often points to an observable condition of dynamic cultural and environmental change; it speaks of transition rather than stasis (ibid). Heath further adds, “when aspects of a unique building response are embraced in a collective and consistent manner by representative numbers within a region, they produce something that is no longer idiosyncratic, it is culturally syncretic. It is vernacular” (ibid).

Therefore, to define vernacular appropriately in the architectural context, a different approach has to be taken. A literature survey on the topic revealed that the architectural styles highlighted are neither uniform in planning, aesthetics, tangibility, nor in building techniques. One common thread however that links all the “vernacular” styles is that they are highly contextual. That is, the styles highlighted have all inevitably developed through methods of trial and error due to specific geological, cultural and sentimental necessities of a hyper specific context, a paradigm that the researcher in this paper calls a ‘dialogue’ between the built form and its environs . If we take this contextual definition as gospel, a lot of the seemingly unconnected aspects of different vernacular styles all over the world now suddenly appear to have developed certain observable common qualities. This, thus, establishes vernacular architecture as a product of the people, their traditions, the locations they live in and what they have available around them. People alter objects, buildings, spaces, and settings in accordance with prevailing opportunities, constraints, and sensibilities. The study of vernacular environments, therefore, leads inevitably to understanding the range of forces acting on a particular society that prompts regional building patterns and spatial adjustments. This also brings to fore the concept of “Cultural weathering” – the vernacular as a collective response to regional conditions. This contextual and evolving definition of the vernacular in architecture is, thus, in most academic discourses the more appropriate one, and as such will be taken as the foundation for all observations, analyses and inferences in this paper.

Significance of vernacular architecture

There is a fundamental difference between someone who commissions a house to be constructed and one who actually builds it with his own hands. The builder of the latter has different needs and expectations, and his house, therefore, displays an integrated pattern of values, whereas one which is built by an architect imposes elements that are not the patron’s and therefore it becomes a blueprint for living rather than the reflection of a lifestyle. The study of vernacular architecture, therefore, helps us to holistically comprehend the cultural identity of a locale, and in turn, the people who live there. A brief understanding of their daily lives, the evolution of their social dynamics, and their cultural identities, as well as a historic perspective of the geography and climate of the area in question, can also be gained through the process. In addition to all these, certain mythological, ritualistic and superstitious norms can also be deciphered through an analysis of the same.

An analytical look into the vernacular identity of a community, localized to a certain extent, especially architecturally, speaks volumes about the aforementioned issues. Social and technological inferences can be made through simple investigations of such typologies. A lot can also be inferred about the climate history and risk proneness of the region in question too. All in all, academic investigations into the vernacular typologies of a place reveal a lot about the nature of the place, its history, and about the people who inhabit it.In ‘Bamboo dwellings in a concrete age – Architecture of the hill tribes of South India’, for instance, Caroline Stanley-Millson  while speaking about the Kurumbai tribe, points out that it is worthwhile to consider the varying attitudes to architecture expressed by the different communities who occupy the forests and grassland of the mountain ranges. In order to comprehend the complexity of this paradigm that involves a dichotomy comprising of the universality of the regional in vernacular architecture vis-à-vis the uniqueness of contextual responses, this paper draws an analogy between the Reangii House of Tripura and the Chettinaduiii House of Tamil Nadu. For example, upon investigation of the Chettinadu house, it is easy to see the effects that vernacular materials such as egg plasters, Athangudiiv tiles and terracotta roofing have on the climatological performance of the typology (S Radhakrishnan& RS Priya, 2014).The rationale behind drawing an analogy between two dissimilar vernacular typologies, one from South India and the other from India’s North East (instead of selecting vernacular architectural praxis points from the same geographical area) is to substantiate for the claim made by the researcher that seemingly unconnected aspects of different vernacular styles all over the world appear to have certain common observable qualities.

Figure 1

A Chettinadu House

Figure 1. A Chettinadu house, with visible thinnai and terracotta roofing. Adapted from “My ancestral home” by Vidhya Parani, 2017. Source: https://www.vidhyaparani.com/2017/07/06/my-ancestral-home/

Located close to the equator, Tamil Nadu has a hot and humid climate throughout the year. Climatological performance, and in turn, thermal comfort has a significant impact on the lives of the people inhabiting the typology. Solar radiation is almost incident at a 90-degree angle, and thus a gable roof works well in reflecting a lot of the incumbent radiation. Eggshell plaster and terracotta roofing keep the interiors cool, and not very uncomfortable. Athangudi tiles also help in maintaining thermal comfort internally, while at the same time mitigating water seepage through the floor. The usually country-baked brick walls also work to keep the interiors insulated due to their thickness. A simple square plan tells us that domestic life is not very complex, with the inhabitants spending a majority of their time outdoors. This is corroborated by the fact that the majority of the people who live in rural areas, where these typologies are common, are involved in agriculture. The presence of the thinnai, an informal social space on the immediate outer wall of the typology, also speaks of how social interactions take place. The thinnai also tells us of a strong sense of community (BS Prakash & PS Mahalakshmi, 2017).

This paper attempts to compare Chettinadu House to the Reang House of Tripura known in Reang language or Kaubru as ‘Chuklanok’ (R. Reang, Personal Interview,14th September, 2021). The Reang house is a housing typology found commonly in Tripura, a state in the North-East of India. For the Reangs, the spiritual well-being of the community is uppermost in their priorities. It is the prerogative of each individual family to select its own site. However, they do so in consultation with the headman, as it is important only to build on a place that is considered auspicious. No measurements are taken, although a line is employed to ensure the overall straightness of the structure. Such apparently crude methods joined with a high degree of inherited manual skill, produce an accurate result. The typology will be investigated using the contextual definition of “vernacular architecture” as a reference, and then through the lenses of the technological and cultural parameters that define vernacular architecture separately.

Tripura at a glance

Tripura is a state in the North-East of India. The climate of Tripura is highly seasonal, with five distinct seasons: spring, summer, monsoon, autumn, and winter. The climate can be generally classified as a warm and humid tropical climate. As such, humidity is high throughout the year. Geographically, the State has three distinct physiographic zones: hill ranges, undulating plateau land and low-lying alluvial land. Five major hill ranges traverse the State in roughly north-south direction and continue southward into Chittagong Hill Tract in Bangladesh. Narrow valleys separate these ranges and are generally 20 km wide. The easternmost range is Jampui, being successively followed to the West by Unokoti-Sakhantlang, Longthorai, Atharamura-Kalajhari and Baramura-Deotamura. The highest peak lies at Bethliangchhip (Thaidawar, Shib-rangkhung), 975.36 m above sea level (Tripura Tourism, Geography).

Figure 2

Hill Ranges of Tripura

Figure 2.Physical geography of Tripura. Adapted from Shreya Bandyopadhyay, Sushmita Saha, Kapil Ghosh& Sunil Kumar De (2013). Channel planform change and detachment of tributary: A study on the Haora and Katakhal Rivers, Tripura, India. Geomorphology, 193,28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geomorph.2013.03.024

 The geographic location in which Tripura is located is classified as Seismic Zone V. This is a high-risk classification, and by definition, Tripura is highly susceptible to earthquakes (T.G. Sitharam & Arjun Shil, 2014). The hilly landscapes and heavy rainfall also add to flood and landslide risk.

The Reang House

Figure 3

The Reang House

Figure 3.A Reang house or Chuklanok with thatch grass or dry bamboo leaf roof and bamboo construction. Source: https://www.flickr.com/photos/goimonitor/15533410137

Brief introduction

The Reang house, as stated earlier is a housing typology frequently found in Tripura. Usually located in the rolling hills of Tripura, these houses are built to suit site-specific challenges. The building technologies employed are also very much dependent on the raw materials available. The typology is typically built of different species of bamboo, with woven bamboo acting as floors and walls. Gable roofs are a common feature of the typology. The typology is built on a stilted platform and is supported by bamboo crossbeams. These houses are found in small clusters and generally have shared common spaces in between. The planning of these houses is simple and very linear. Spaces inside are not highly differentiated, and function very flexibly. The construction of these houses sometimes involves the entire community, though more often than not, the scale of the typology allows for it to be constructed only by the family that will eventually inhabit it (Paul Oliver, 2006).

Structural profile and building techniques

The use of raw bamboo is seen in almost every aspect of construction in the Reang house. Bamboo, depending on elasticity and ability to withstand compression, is used as a vertical and horizontal load-bearing member. As Tripura is located in a very seismically active zone, and is quite prone to earthquakes, the use of bamboo suits the local geological conditions well. Being highly elastic, bamboo structures sway along with tectonic activity, accommodating any sort of mechanical stress that this activity may pose. Bamboo is also very lightweight, and thus, if the structures are compromised in the case of devastating earthquakes, they seldom cause great harm to the inhabitants. Any rebuilding efforts afterwards are aided by bamboo as a raw material that is cheap and very readily available. The economic sustainability of raw bamboo along with its high availability and low carbon footprint also add to its sustainability profile, both economically and environmentally (Rashmi Manandhar, Jin-Hee Kim &Jun-Tae Kim, 2019).

The floors and walls of this typology are also often made of woven bamboo panels. These panels have spaces in between that allow air to pass through them. This ensures that there is always a great degree of ventilation, which in addition to being great from a quality-of-life standpoint also greatly increases thermal comfort. Air moving to and from the interiors of the house ensures that humidity is never an issue, as moving air greatly aids the evaporation of sweat and drying of surfaces rendered wet by moisture. This ventilation also dissipates the heat stored by the inanimate household objects as well as the body heat of the individuals inhabiting the house. This eliminates the need for fans and other electronic appliances for thermal comfort and greatly aids passive sustainability. The woven bamboo panels also trap air in the winters, insulating the interiors of the household. The trapped air in these pockets being a poor conductor of heat keeps the heat generated by the bodies of the individuals who inhabit it trapped inside. Given the context of Tripura, which has a hot and humid tropical climate with cool winters, this greatly enhances the climatological performance of the building (Manoj Kumar Singh, Sadhan Mahapatra & S.K. Atreya, 2008 & 2011).

Figure 4

Use of stilts in the Reang house

Figure 4. Use of bamboo stilts in a Reang house, with typical height (self-drawn during field visit on 4.09.2021)

The house is also built on a platform raised by stilts and these stilts consist of bunches of bamboo tied together and inserted deep into the ground (R. Reang, Personal Interview, September 2021). The space thus created under the platform is used to store grains, domesticated animals, and often, a dingy (a country boat). This stilted construction effectively mitigates insect infestation of the floor panels. The additional height provided by these stilts also works well to manage the risk posed by floods, which due to the house’s location in the hills, are a constant threat. The increase in height also helps aid risk management from earthquakes as well. The stilts allow for greater swaying, and hence greater mechanical compensation to deal with the tremors without reaching critical failure due to shear stress (Sayantani Lala, N. Gopalakrishnan & Ashok Kumar, 2017).

Figure 5

a) Reang house structure under dead load

 

Figure 5 (a).Nature of bending moment and shear on horizontal bamboo members due to the dead load of the Reang house. Bending moment on the structural members of the typology due to dead load. Dead load is cumulative of all the forces that exist by virtue of the inherent weight of the occupants, appliances and furniture inside the typology. The moment is visible primarily on horizontal structural members of the typology. Adapted from Lala, S., Gopalakrishnan, N., & Kumar, A. (2017). A comparative study on the seismic performance of the different types of bamboo stilt houses of North-East India. J. Environ. Nanotechnol6(2), 71.https://doi.org/10.13074/jent.2017.06.172249.

b) Reang house structure under seismic load

Figure 5 (b).Nature of bending moment and shear on vertical bamboo members due to the seismic load of the Reang house. Bending moment and shear on structural members due to seismic load. Seismic load is caused by virtue of plate tectonics and resulting earthquakes. These are visible on the vertical structural members of the typology. Adapted from Lala, S., Gopalakrishnan, N., & Kumar, A. (2017). A comparative study on the seismic performance of the different types of bamboo stilt houses of North-East India. J. Environ. Nanotechnol6(2), 71.https://doi.org/10.13074/jent.2017.06.172249

 Planning of the housing typology

Spatially, the typology is planned quite linearly. This linear layout aids in cross-ventilation, again benefiting the thermal performance of the typology. Spaces that arise from this type of layout are very simple and flexible. These multipurpose spaces qualitatively do not have a lot of complexity. Simple spatial planning which is linear also benefits visual connectivity to the outside, which tells of a great degree of passive community interaction. This translates to a sense of community identity which is very tangibly present in these clusters. Simple spaces in a typology are also indicative of a not very developed sense of the domicile, relegating it to a place of congregation and rest. This is supported by the fact that a majority of the people that this typology belongs to are very agriculturally active. Agriculture as a profession is very taxing from a daily investment perspective and thus, doesn’t lend itself well to sedentary qualities present in a space, be it complexity or furniture. This also tells us of a very balanced gender dynamic, as it can be seen that the women of the community are also almost equally active in the day-to-day activities that pertain to agriculture and selling produce, more so than the domestic duties that are traditionally associated with the gender. This can be corroborated by empirical data and the great degree of gender equality present in these communities, with property gifts, often given to women by fathers, which is far from the case in other mainland communities (Biswajit Ghosh & Tanima Choudhuri, 2011).

Figure 6

Typical Reang House plan

Figure 6. Sketch showing the simple spatial planning of a Reang house (self drawn during field visit on 4.9.2021)

Cultural and social relevance

According to Raju Reang, SDPO of Korbuk sub-division in Tripura and a resource person of his community, the Reang house known in Reang language or Kaubru as ‘Chuklanok’ is meant for the ordinary members of the community. However, the ‘Kaskau’ or the Chieftain has a larger house known as ‘Nokyungma’-which is a bigger version built by the community. An attendance sheet in the form of a long bamboo strip is kept in every community meeting (separate for male and female attendees) held in the ‘Nokyungma’ and the attendees have to break the bamboo strip to mark attendance (R. Reang, Personal Interview, 14th September 2021). These details point to the social and cultural dimensions of the Reang house in community living and their life practices.

Bamboo is of great cultural significance to the Reang community. Handicrafts that form the backbone of their economy primarily use bamboo for raw materials. Bamboo, in addition to being readily available, is relatively cheap too. These factors make bamboo an ideal raw material. Bamboo is also integral to the housing typology. Stilts, floor boards, wall panels, and even furniture, all are made of woven bamboo. The primary structural components of the building typology are often pieces of raw unprocessed bamboo. All these speak of the way bamboo is integrally woven into the culture and sentiments of the Reang community (Sukhendu Debbarma, 2005).

The typology planned the way it is, also increases passive community interaction through visual connectivity. Even its construction is undertaken by a single family but often draws upon the entire community as a whole, fostering a sense of community and belonging. Houses are also often clustered in small groups, with common intangible spaces in between. This again promotes active community involvement through interactions with other members of the community. This sense of community solidarity and unity establishes a culture that does not really identify the personal property as a construct. After all, a house built by the entire community has a certain degree of investment from the entire community. Enhanced social security and remarkably low crime rates are a by-product of this very facet. The remarkable amount of social security that these pockets of habitation provide is a testament to this very hypothesis. This community spirit is of great value during times of hardship such as floods and earthquakes, both of which are relatively common.

Figure 7

Layout of a Reang community

Figure 7. Layout of a typical Reang cluster, highlighting the common shared space in between houses and the visual connectivity between the houses and the space 9self drawn from field visit, 14.9.2021).

The identifying feature of the Reang house, that is its reliance on bamboo for construction and ornamentation weigh heavily on its cultural significance. In addition to being the most identifiable domicile in the community, the additional cultural relevance that the prevalence of bamboo lends to it makes it almost a cultural and social rallying point for community pride. In addition to its material aspects, the spatial functioning of the typology, which speaks of and fosters a sense of great community pride, further enhances the community-defining role that it already has.

Economics of construction

Since the house does not require a great deal of investment for construction, it is not often looked upon as a status symbol or as a means to establish a social hierarchy. The simplicity of engineering, cheap cost of construction, low material costs, and tremendous climatological performance contribute greatly to economic viability and sustainability. Thermal comfort generated by building technologies also mitigates the need for electrical appliances. This again reduces maintenance costs.

Taking into account the precarious context this typology is found in; frequent reconstructions and repairs are also a viable option in face of great adversity such as floods and earthquakes. The abundance of the raw material, which is bamboo, the presence of abundant specialized labour, and community involvement in construction all point to a built typology that is flexible in its lifespan. This community solidarity in times of trouble further deepens the sense of belonging to the community. What results is a community that is tremendously strong in character and exhibits solidarity in the face of adversity. Investment of the entire community in each house further speaks of a certain kind of community spirit that translates into a plethora of varied aspects, such as social security, reduced crime, high levels of co-ordination between resident members and scaled down materialism in terms of possessions and property (J.C. Lallawmawma, 2012).

All these things speak of a social climate that is not very profit-oriented but rather, co-ordination driven. The sense that good for one is good for the community and vice versa can be easily observed. The presence of a barter system as a basis for community economics often instead of a monetary one corroborates this to a great extent. The low rates of theft and crime, in general, can also be interpreted in the same light. A community where sustenance is not profit-oriented but community-oriented would result in members logically not looking to steal possessions, but rather barter.

Vernacular nature of the Reang house

Vernacular architecture often has ramifications beyond simple sustainability and pointers to a simple lifestyle. Buildings of vernacular tendency often act as a form of social and cultural rallying point. They also present themselves as points of pride for those indigenously involved. These typologies ultimately serve as bastions of ethno-nationalist pride. Vernacular architecture also functions as the “other” to architectural norms that are propagated by academia that is highly influenced by western architectural theories. It acts as an identifier for a community in face of architectural styles that are in vogue and commonplace universally (Robert Brown & Daniel Maudlin, 2012).

The Reang house conforms to all the criteria that can be used to identify a structure as architecturally vernacular. From specific environmental considerations to highly localized issues, this typology effectively solves all these design challenges. The specificity in origin and evolution, contextual fit, and material properties that it embodies all point towards a conclusion that the Reang house is indeed vernacular.

The significance of this shows up in dialogues of community identity and pride. The typology, or rather, the house is for the people belonging to the community who live where they live, and live how they live. The vernacular aspects of it embellish this sense of tried and tested design, one which is based primarily on context-specific evolution and not western academic schools of architectural thought. The typology, therefore, becomes as much a part of the community as the people who are a part of it. It would even not be wrong to say that the typology comes to represent the values, engineering and culture of the community itself.,

Conclusion

Vernacular architecture by nature is highly contextual. It is developed over time through trial and error, to solve design challenges that are highly localized. From site-specific topographical constraints to overarching geological challenges to accommodating the cultural and traditional tendencies of the people it serves, vernacular architecture can truly be defined as architecture for the people and by the people.  Marcel Vellinga points out that vernacular architecture studies, as a more dynamic approach that explicitly focuses on building traditions rather than buildings, how such traditions, through human agency, change and adapt to the cultural and environmental circumstances and challenges of not just the past, but of the present and the future as tales of vernacular persistence and vibrancy. True vernacular is commonly said to consist of the architecture of the people, having been built by the owners or inhabitants themselves, using local materials and traditional technologies that have been handed down through the generations, in keeping with local cultural values and needs, and in response to local climatic circumstance. (Marcel Vellinga, 2006/2007).  The construction of a vernacular house is indeed a communal affair, the whole family working together under the guidance of a master builder, while the building process is regulated by the performance of specific rituals and social festivities that were meant to enhance the vitality and fortune of the house. All vernacular traditions constitute dynamic and creative processes that result from cultural encounters and borrowings.

The Reang house, when put under scrutiny, stands up well in terms of vernacular in architecture. The design principles involved are climatologically relevant to the region it is local to, that is Tripura. The building technologies employed make use of local craftsmanship and materials and are very culturally relevant. The spatial dynamics also work well in tandem with the activities and sensibilities of the people who inhabit it. Moreover, the building typology also employs relevant risk management strategies given that the sites it is built on are prone to natural disasters such as earthquakes and floods. Culturally, the materials involved in construction are materials that are of great significance to the community. The overall layout of the clusters this typology is found in also promotes and speaks of a strong sense of community. This falls well in line with the tendency of strong community spirit that the Reangs display. In addition to all these things, the typology is economically viable given its precarious context.

The typology being culturally relevant and vernacular in nature lends itself well to a sense of community pride. It would, thus, not be wrong to say that the typology itself is an identifier of the community. As such, it can be a focal point for ethno-nationalist pride, and thus, any investments made would allow us to further develop this typology as a viable, and to an extent, a better alternative for the brick-and-mortar constructs that are commonplace today.

Declaration of Conflict of Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest.

Funding

No funding has been received for the publication of this article. It is published free of any charge.

Notes

_________________________

I A tribe living in the Cardamom and N?lgiri hills, west-central Tamil Nadu state, southern India. Originally pastoralists, the Kurumba were probably identical with or closely related to the Pallavas. With the decline of the Pallava dynasty in the 8th century, Kurumba forefathers dispersed over a wide area of southern India, becoming geographically separated from each other and culturally distinct. The members of these subdivisions survived by hunting and gathering, by petty agriculture, or as slaves. Today some Kurumba are field labourers or hunters who market jungle produce. (see: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kurumba_(tribe), accessed on 4.7.2021)           

iiChettinad is an area comprising of 76 villages near Madurai, originally inhabited by Chettiars, a trading community form Tamil Nadu in South India. Chettinadu House is a built form typical to Chettinad. (see: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chettinad#Community, accessed on 12.6.2021)

iii  Belonging to the Indo-Mongoloid racial stock, Reangs are the second largest tribal community of Tripura. They are recognized as one of the 75 primitive tribes in India. Reangs are said to have come first from Shan State of upper Burma (now Myanmar) in different waves to the Chittagang Hill Tracts and then to Southern part of Tripura. Similarly, another group entered Tripura via Assam and Mizoram during 18th Century. Reang language “Kaubru”  has affinity to Austro-Asiatic groups under Tibeto-Burman family. This tribe is famous for its semi-acrobatic ethnic dancer form known as ‘Hojagiri’ (see: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reang, accessed on 29.7.2021).

iv Located within the traditional Chettinad area, Attangudi or Athangudi is a village in Sivaganga District, in Tamil Nadu, India and is mainly known for its floor tiles called as “Athangudi tiles”. These durable, economical and eco-friendly tiles are handmade and have traditional patterns and design. They are made of locally-available sand, cement and naturally occurring oxides. These tiles are cast by hand and dried over time; no fuel is burnt during drying or during any other of its processes (see: https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title= Attangudi&oldid =1019147548, accessed on 21.4.2021).

v Due to its ready availability in the hills and forests of Tripura (typical variety used for construction of the Reang house or Chuklanok being bambusa balcooa, local name ‘borak’), it is primarily used as material for building Reang houses. Its lightweight enables it to negotiate and withstand seismic disturbances. Screens made from bamboo are interwoven and used as inlay for walls, floors and even ceilings. Their porous nature enables sufficient ventilation. The interiors of such houses are kept cool because bamboo is also a poor conductor. Bamboo leaves are used for thatching the roof of the Chuklanok. Just below the floor of such houses elevated by stilts, there is ample space for mooring a dingy or a country boat and shelter domestic animals. In a typical Chuklanok there are two verandas, one covered and the other uncovered. The roof is typically single with double slopping to prevent rainwater from accumulating (see: https://en.wikipedia. org/ wiki/Bamboo, accessed on 25.5.2021).

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Aritra Gupta, a BArch student from VIT, Vellore, has been selected for MS in Urban and Regional Planning, University of Michigan, US Fall 2022 and is joining the programme in August 2022. Aritra is also a painter and an avid reader who is deeply interested in films and music and has been associated with several organisations working for the poor in the state of Tripura.

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