Cultural Studies - Page 2

Narratives of Plague in Arab Societies through the Lens of Select Western Travelers

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Mashhoor Abdu Al-Moghales1, Abdel-Fattah M. Adel2, Suhail Ahmad3, Monir A Choudhury4, Abdul R. JanMohamed5
1Department of English, College of Arts, University of Bisha, Saudi Arabia. ORCID: 0000-0001-7984-5388. Email: mamohammad@ub.edu.sa
2Department of English, College of Arts, University of Bisha, Saudi Arabia.  ORCID: 0000-0001-7968-8167. Email: aadeal@ub.edu.sa
3Department of English, College of Arts, University of Bisha, Saudi Arabia.  ORCID: 0000-0001-6611-2484. Email: suhailahmed@ub.edu.sa
4Department of English, College of Arts, University of Bisha, Bisha, Saudi Arabia. Email: monirchy@ub.edu.sa.
5Department of English, University of California, Berkeley, USA. Email: abduljm@berkeley.edu

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 4, December, 2022. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n4.11 
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Abstract

To examine the narratives of plagues in Arab societies, the paper, along with the postcolonial perspectives, uses the concepts like ‘empathy’ or ‘detached concern’ to bring fresh and new understanding of the travel texts. It selected John Antes’ Observations on the Manners and Customs of the Egyptians, the Overflowing of the Nile and its Effects (1800) and Richard F. Burton’s Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to El-Medinah and Meccah (1857) for the study. The paper analyses their narratives to understand their approaches in describing the ‘native’ Arab societies. The key findings show that while Burton tends to construct the people and their culture as ‘the Other’ although his mode of presentation tends to follow a mode of ‘detached concern’, Antes is, on the other hand, more objective but stood by the plague-infected people in empathy. The findings show that these Western travellers considered the concept of predestination, lack of quarantine, lack of sanitation, mass gatherings during the plague, and the unscientific local treatments as the root causes of the spread of the plagues among the ‘natives’.

Keywords: Plague, Orientalism, Travelogues, Arab Land, Empathy, detached concern

We Are Cancelled: Exploring Victims’ Experiences of Cancel Culture on Social Media in the Philippines

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Joseph Leonard A. Jusay1, Jeremiah Armelin S. Lababit2, Lemuel Oliver M. Moralina3 & Jeffrey Rosario Ancheta4
1Polytechnic University of the Philippines, Manila, Philippines. ORCID: 0000-0001-5770-0129. Email: josephleonard.jusay@yahoo.com
2Polytechnic University of the Philippines, Manila, Philippines. ORCID: 0000-0001-8225-866X. Email: jeremiahlababit0000@gmail.com
3Polytechnic University of the Philippines, Manila, Philippines. ORCID: 0000-0001-7065-5772. Email: rhyleemoralina26@gmail.com
4Polytechnic University of the Philippines, Manila, Philippines. ORCID: 0000-0001-5831-8204. Email: jrancheta@pup.edu.ph

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 4, December, 2022. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n4.04 
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Abstract

The continuous advancement of modern technology enables its users to engage in various interactions in the online public sphere, including conversations about multiple ideas and perspectives. It has now played a significant role in our modern society, paving the door for several participatory cultures and social movements such as the so-called cancel culture. Even if this movement aims to call out individuals or businesses, it has undoubtedly encouraged mob mentality and damaged civil dialogue, ultimately driving them out of the community. Thus, this study looked at the diverse experiences of victims of cancel culture and how it influenced their social and personal lives. It reveals that the victims suffered a backlash, public humiliation, and cyberbullying that harmed their mental health. This study has established that cancel culture is an example of online abuse and has become more commonplace in the online public realm, rendering social media sites less of a safe haven.

Keywords: Cancel culture, social media, mental health, cyberbullying, public humiliation

Imagining India / Hinduism from Chile

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Felipe Luarte Correa
Professor, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. Chile. Email id: fluarte@uc.cl

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 3, September-October 2022, Pages 1–7. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n3.18

First published: October 17, 2022 | Area: Latin America | License: CC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under the themed issue Across Cultures: Ibero-America and India”)
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Imagining India / Hinduism from Chile

Abstract

Indian culture expresses itself in Chile’s daily life that, until recently, would have been unthinkable both for its real and mental remoteness. Undoubtedly, this is a consequence of globalization and the rapid flow of ideas and practices of the last decades, but it is also due to the sustained increase in the presence of the Indian community in Chile from the mid-’80s onwards, with the economic opening during that time creating favorable conditions for the increased number of Indian immigration in Chilean society. India’s cultural identity is marked by its religious way of life and in general, Hindu immigrants – as a result of the characteristics of Hinduism – have tended to reproduce their culture and religion while having to adjust to local circumstances. Consequently, both are renegotiated. This process implies an enormous effort of adaptability, which is necessary to be able to develop themselves in the new country without having to abandon the cultural baggage they bring with them, creating new strategies of action that at the same time imply and generate new ways of relating and redefining their identity referents.

Keywords: Chile, identity, Immigrant, India, Partial Scope Agreement

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Inundating Cultural Diversity: A Critical Study of Oral Narratives of Kurichyas and Guarani in the Structuralist Perspective

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Haseena Naji

Research Scholar, Department of English Studies, Central University of Tamil Nadu, Thiruvarur, Tamil Nadu, India. Email: haseenanaji@gmail.com

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 3, September-October 2022, Pages 1–21. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n3.13

First published: October 8, 2022 | Area: Latin America | License: CC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under the themed issue Across Cultures: Ibero-America and India”)
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Inundating Cultural Diversity: A Critical Study of Oral Narratives of Kurichyas and Guarani in the Structuralist Perspective

Abstract

The paper seeks to explore the practicability of using Vladimir Propp’s framework to study the oral narratives of the Kurichyan tribe of Wayanad, Kerala, India and of the Guarani tribe of Paraguay, South America. For this purpose, Narippaattu (Wolf Song) of Kurichyar and The Beginning Life of the Hummingbird of Guarani are chosen. Out of the 27 functional events identified in the former, six of them do not fit into the Proppian framework and of the 13 identified in the latter, three of them do not conform to the Proppian structure. The events which are matched with Proppian events are tediously paralleled and do not correspond to each other entirely in the Proppian sense. None of the events identified in both tales show any linear or causal progression. Through this, I argue that an attempt to study narratives that originate from communities with multiple subtle diversities in terms of a universal structure will be problematic and mostly futile. We will lose the culturally distinct, subtle manifestations in the narratives in the endeavour to make them fit into any universal framework.

Keywords: structural analysis, Kurichya, Guarani, Propp, narrative analysis, poststructuralism

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Subverting Narratives of Nationalism: A Cross-National Study of Borges and Muktibodh

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Akansha Singh

Assistant Professor, NALSAR University of Law. Email: akansha.s@outlook.com

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 3, September-October 2022, Pages 1–15. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n3.11

First published: October 8, 2022 | Area: Latin America | License: CC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under the themed issue Across Cultures: Ibero-America and India”)
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Subverting Narratives of Nationalism: A Cross-National Study of Borges and Muktibodh

Abstract

The mid-twentieth century Argentina and India witnessed a discursive construction and circulation of national identity closely entwined with literary production. This caused a surge in nationalistic sentiments, often culminating in socially discriminatory consequences. This paper shall analyse the role Jorge Luis Borges and Gajanan Madhav Muktibodh played in subverting nationalism, as members on the ideological margins of their respective countries. The study involves two interconnected inquiries in the authors’ works. First, a study of reasons behind their rejection of nationalistic writing— their personal lives as affected by it, their discontent with literary movements they were part of, literary censorships, and loss of jobs on account of their ideological differences. Second, a study of the alternatives the two writers offered against nationalism— literary forms, styles, and techniques. Placing the two inquiries together, the paper will study their works as writings of resistance that surface through a fusion of political opinion and social critique. It will further argue how resistance through writing conditions guides their existence.

Keywords: Nationalism, Borges, Muktibodh, Modernism, Post- Colonial

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The Politics of Cultural Homogenization and Territorialization: Representation of Northeast in Tinkle’s WingStar Series

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Renu Elizabeth Abraham

Dept of English and Cultural Studies, Christ University, Bengaluru, India. Email: renu.elizabeth@christuniversity.in

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022. Pages 1-12. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne33

First published: June 30, 2022 | AreaNortheast India | LicenseCC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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Abstract

Tinkle, the children’s magazine in English in India has been instrumental in shaping the imagination of the young urban Indian child ever since its inception in 1980. No other magazine has the readership and reach that Tinkle enjoys with a circulation of more than 3 lakh. The fact that Tinkle has survived unlike many other magazines in India for 40 odd years is testimony (marketing strategies aside) of its reach and popularity. Tinkle, ever since the days of its founder-editor Anant Pai, has been instrumental in constructing “imagined communities” of national identities for children in India over the decades since the 1970s ever since the Amar Chitra Kathas. One such attempt in constructing children’s imaginaries is the addition of a series Wing Star in 2015, scripted by Sean D’mello and inked by Vineet Nair that features Mapui Kawlim, a 13-year-old superhero from Aizwal, Mizoram. While it is empowering that a national mainstream popular magazine for children would feature a female superhero from among the less represented Northeastern states, what is problematic, according to this study, is the manner in which there has been a conscious erasure of all markers of her ethnicity by appropriating her into the larger mainstream homogenised pan-Indian identity of a young female superhero with no specific markers to represent the culture she belongs to. This study will attempt to read this ‘sanitised’ representation of a Northeastern superhero in the light of the idea of cultural appropriation and deterritorialization and reterritorialization posited by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari that looks at the erasure of specific ethnic and other identities markers. This study will also engage with the implications of how ‘sanitised’ representations like this in popular narratives would construct and homogenise the imaginaries of the children of a country as they would grow up with erroneous notions of cultural ethnicities and diversity within the country adding to the problematics of marginalisation and hegemonic nationalities.  

Keywords: Cultural appropriation, homogenization, WingStar, Tinkle, Northeast, reterritorialization, identity politics

Introduction

Children’s Literature in English in India is a domain that has been immensely popular.  Children’s magazines have played a formative role in the development of indigenous narratives for children in India. Children’s magazines are periodicals published on a weekly, fortnightly, monthly, bi-annual, quarterly or bi-monthly basis and are important sources of education and entertainment for the intellectual development of a child. These publications are targeted at children and preteens around the ages of 4 to 16 years. Children’s magazines in India can be loosely classified as educational and edutainment magazines. About the educational magazines of children, R.E. Abraham writes:

(they focus on) developing the academic and professional skills of the children in terms of knowledge development, domain expertise, self-learning skills, current affairs and enhancing their global perspectives. They attempt to do it through fun and often concentrate on the academic development of the children….The second variety of children’s magazines were of the edutainment variety…. These magazines concentrated on the holistic development of the children through developing their creative skills, academic skills, personal, interpersonal and societal skills. (Abraham, 2018, Chapter 3, pp. 23-24)

Ever since the inception of Chandamama in 1947, the magazine made a niche for themselves within the Indian households. The English version of the magazine came out in 1955 followed by Children’s World from Children’s Book Trust in 1957. These magazines attempted to engage the children in India with indigenous mythologies and folk tales along with fables and other stories for children. These magazines were followed by Champak (1968), Amar Chitra Kathas (1969), Pran’s Comics, Lotpot, Target (1979), Tinkle and Gokulam (1980) and many others like Children’s Digest, Magic Pot, Chatterbox, Thinkling, Impulse Hoot and Toot, Heek, Mira, Active Kids, Dimdima, Young Bhaskar and Brain Tonic. Over the last few years, some scholarly interest has grown to locate children’s literature in India and its representational ethos but almost no research has emerged in the field of magazines for children in India, except for a very few articles on the subject such as “Acculturation and holistic development in children in India: Educative possibilities of children’s edutainment magazines in English” (2020) and a monograph on Children’s edutainment magazines in English in India: An overview (2018) both by R E Abraham. Scholarship has emerged around Hindi children’s magazines earlier through the works like Nandini Chandra’s Siting childhood: A study of children’s magazines in Hindi 1920-50 (2001).

Among these edutainment magazines, Tinkle: Where learning meets fun was the first all-comic children’s magazine to emerge in India and to this day it remains one of the most widely circulated, read and accepted magazines for children in India with content that is original and not traditional in nature. Original, here, denotes work that is written by Indian authors targeted at children and not based on pre-texts like mythologies, folk tales and bowdlerisations of classics or other existing literature. Tinkle was the culmination of Anant Pai’s vision of a magazine that would aid children’s development in terms of cultural and social capital (to borrow Pierre Bourdieu’s terms) and was the brainchild of Subbu Rao, who was Amar Chitra Katha’s Associate Editor at the time (Abraham, 2018, Chapter 3, p. 47). Through strategic marketing and word-of-mouth publicity Tinkle rose to an almost cult status among urban and semi-urban English-speaking children in the 1980s and 1990s. The magazine was for its time a massive 72-page comic meant to entertain and inform. The magazine targeted the whole-person development of a child through stories of informative and scientific content like the Anu Club series, fun and moral development through the Kalia series and the Tantri the Mantri series, comic and slapstick through the Suppandi series and the like. With the advent of the satellite television and consequent development of television content for children in India, Tinkle developed e-media strategies like developing e-content through video games and MUDS (Multi-user Domains) and MOOS (MUDS Object-Oriented) early in the late 2000s and has currently diversified into developing animated content on Youtube and the Tinkle Online Comics with their flagship characters like Shikhari Shambu, Tantri the Mantri, Suppandi and many others. Over a period of time Tinkle has diversified and revamped its characters and content to suit contemporary concerns and developments in society. One such development is the addition of the WingStar series to the array of stories stabled in Tinkle.

This study, as indicated earlier will examine the WingStar series collection, volumes 1 and 2 that were serialized as episodic narratives in Tinkle from 2015-2020. WingStar is the eponymous title of a female superhero comic series featuring Mapui Kawlim, a 13-year old preteen, as a superhero from Aizwa in Mizoram. The writer is Sean D’mello and the artist is Vineet Nair (who is also the Deputy Art Director of Tinkle). While the initiative was praised by the media as being an important move in representing voices from the North East, it also drew flak from a lone voice, in an online feature in The Caravan magazine by Sukruti Anah Staneley, “Looking East: Tinkle’s depiction of its new superhero from the Northeast has a long way to go” (2016). The article clearly pointed out the problematics of universalization, generalisation, lack of research to authenticate identities and information, and tokenism in the name of inclusion. In this study in order to understand the representational politics that is operational in the creation and dissemination of this narrative to the masses in India and why such consciously sanitised narratives could do untold damage in contemporary Indian society given the climate of exclusion and dissidence that is growing in the country, I will extend Staneley’s observation and locate it within the academic imperatives of understanding children’s literature in the Indian context. Homogenising an ethnic culture through the purposeful erasure of its identity markers will not be inclusive or cater to diversity but rather promote a culture of exclusion and stigmatisation that emerges out of a forgetting that does not recognise differences.

Theoretical Frameworks

While it is empowering that a national, mainstream popular magazine for children would feature a female superhero from among the less represented North-Eastern states, what is problematic is the manner in which there has been a conscious erasure of all markers of her ethnicity by appropriating her into the larger mainstream, homogenised pan-Indian identity of a young female superhero with no specific markers other than her name and facial features to represent her ethno-cultural context. This sanitization and appropriation is examined with the help of E. W. Holland’s reinterpretation of the frameworks of cultural appropriation and deterritorialization posited by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari and also locating it within discourses of nationalism and nationhood as formulated by Michael Billig. The purposeful manner in which WingStar is constructed results in the erasure of specific ethnic, regional and other identity markers that reiterate and specify ethnic and regional identities alongside spatial orientations. This study will also engage with the implications of how conscious ‘sanitised’ representations like these in popular narratives would construct and homogenise the imaginaries of a nation of children who would then grow up with erroneous notions of cultural ethnicities and diversity within the country adding to the problematics of marginalisation and hegemonic nationalisms. In order to do so the study will also examine the frameworks of nation-building and othering as engaged with in the representational works of Sanjib Baruah and Udayon Misra that emerge from and are firmly rooted in the Northeastern region.

Homogenisation and Erasure: Nationalism in WingStar

Ideologies operate in constructing and restructuring lives and identities that seem natural and universal. Nations and nationalisms are also part of this ideological constructedness. Billig (1995) writes, “Nationalism is the ideology by which the world of nations has come to seem the natural world – as if there could not possibly be a world without nations.” (p. 184). He further adds that national identities are also natural to possess and to remember. Billig writes:

This remembering, nevertheless, involves a forgetting, or rather there is a complex dialectic of remembering and forgetting. …, this dialectic is important in the banal reproduction of nationalism in established nations….This remembering is simultaneously a collective forgetting: the nation, which celebrates its antiquity, forgets its historical recency. (1995, 185)

Billig points out that this collective and selective amnesia is a complex process where not just the past but the present is also subjective to this deletion. Quoting Langer, Billig gesticulates to the manner in which national identities get established over ages through daily routines that flag the idea of nationhood and that this is often routinized in that they are followed mindlessly to the extent that it becomes forgotten (1995, p. 185). According to Sanjib Baruah, (1999) “the apparent amnesia about identities that compete with official State nationalisms is the legacy of cultural standardisation particularly associated with successful State-building endeavours” (p. 4). One of the parts of this amnesia is also a creation by the intellectuals as Ernest Renan acknowledges in his work, “What is a nation?” (p.251).

Cultural artefacts, like literature, films and other material products, also enable the construction of identities including that of nation and nationalism. In case of children’s magazines like Tinkle, it has long carried the baton of homogenising ethnic and regional identities to create a pan-Indian identity. This has constructed narratives for children like Butter Fingers, Dental Diaries, Shikhari Shambhu, Tantri the Mantri, Suppandi and WingStar among others where regional and cultural markers are completely absent, or if present, they are non-representational, other than character names and reconstituted location names. Contextualising Billig’s idea to WingStar, it is interesting to note that this cultural artefact (that of a children’s magazine) plays an important role in the collective forgetting of identities and ideas within the nation, especially when it is perpetrated and perpetuated through childhood into adulthood. In the construction of this narrative of history through a children’s literary text, what is forgotten is the true nature of diversity, leading to the birth of a sanitised version of diversity that homogenises ethnic and regional identity indicators. This creates a “banal” (Baudrillard) diversity that subsumes the ethnic and regional variations into the realms of a dominant nationalism that prefers to erase and forget difference. Children growing up reading WingStar would understand that diversity is actually not so diverse and all cultures are quite like each other. This becomes problematic in the context of a multicultural, multireligious, multilinguistic and multiethnic nation like India.

In order, to be remembered and included in the national imaginary, the categories of its existence have to be reproduced and in the same manner, in order to be forgotten, the categories of erasure too have to be constantly reproduced, which is infinitely possible in an infinite series like that of WingStar which is periodised in the fortnightly Tinkle. In WingStar, all indices of difference except that of the names of people and the state are erased and the “female superhero from Mizoram”’ can be dislocated or relocated against the cultural locus of any state within the country as she is presented as generic or universal. She is a ‘female superhero’ who incidentally belongs to a state in India, Mizoram. There has been a conscious effort to equalise Mizoram and the Mizo character, Mapui Kawlim in the name of inclusivity and this inclusiveness operates through erasure and a certain elision. There seems to be an attempt to bring the Northeast into the consciousness of the ‘mainstream’ by representing it as any other state. This elides over ethnic and cultural heterogeneity and homogenises not just Northeastern identities as a whole but also situates it within a larger pan-Indian identity rubric. Throughout the series across various issues of Tinkle there is no mention of anything specific that would locate WingStar as quintessentially Mizo or as hailing from Mizoram, a state underrepresented in mainstream children’s literature. Other than the name of the central character, Mapui Kawlim, and the town she is located in as Aizwa, suitably changed from Aizawl to make it sound more generic, and which according to the writer of WingStar Sean D’mello is “just a city” (qtd in Staneley, 2016), young Kawlim is just any other female superhero from any part of the country, and for that matter from any part of the world. D’mello comments in an interview, “At Tinkle, we never use the original name of cities or towns. This is primarily because it gives us the freedom to do what we want in a story” (D’mello, 2022). With respect to the name of Mapui, in order to be a Mizo name, Mapui should be spelt Mapuii. Her father’s name Tashi and their last name Kawlim are not Mizo names, which in addition to the fact that most Mizos do not employ last names but second names that are indicative of clans, (qtd in Staneley, 2016) which point to a disjuncture. Later in “Strange sightings”, an episode from WingStar, the Reiek mountains, a tourist destination of Aizawl, is denoted as Relek mountains. This episode is also interesting in that, the identity of Mizoram as a state is established and reiterated through mythical creatures and Relek mountains, but their protection is dependent on the non-Mizo characters of the Tinkle Toons universe, along with Mapui, of course (Vol. 1, 2018, pp. 42-49). The only distinguishing feature that marks Mapui’s identity as a Mizo is her facial features or rather the representation of her eyes and the eyes of most characters in the narrative. But even this is done in the caricaturish style and not the realistic style, which brings with it the problematics of exaggeration (Fig 1 and Fig 2). Needless to say, every other distinguishing ethnic feature is erased while the eyes become the centre-point of the character’s features and identity, which gets further accentuated when she dons her WingStar power suit which then displays her eyes naturally and prominently. This seems to be a kind of “visual orientalism” (qtd in Baruah, 2021, p. 10) when taken in conjunction with the fact that there seems to be no other identity marker that distinguishes these characters from Mizoram.

          Fig 1. WingStar: The reluctant superhero. Vol. 1, 2018, p.9. | Fig. 2. WingStar: The reluctant superhero. Vol. 1, 2018, p.5

In another instance of elision, the episode “Stranger sightings” (a metafictive narrative) features the pheiccham, a one-legged mythical forest being, belonging to Mizo folklore, that is purported to bring good fortune to those who seek and catch it (Pheiccham: The story, n.d.). But even in this instance of the WingStar narrative which is set in Mizoram, they get subsumed in the story under the other Tinkle Toon characters featured, such as Shikhari Shambhu, Tantri the Mantri and Billy the fangless vampire as it is they alongside Mapui who seek to rescue these mystical creatures from the clutches of the villain Rasha. There is no description of what a pheiccham is with respect to Mizo culture and lore and at one point, Mapui herself dismisses them as “the so-called pheicchams are just a new species” (WingStar, Vol.1, p. 46).

These interventions were purposeful, and according to D’mello and the editor of Tinkle at the time of WingStar’s inception, Rajni Thindiath, they “did not want to directly represent or misrepresent a particular clan” (qtd. in Staneley, 2016). When D’mello was asked why specific aspects of the Northeastern identity do not come through in WingStar, he indicates that while presenting a character from the Northeast was an aim, “WingStar is a superhero who doesn’t want to be a superhero. That was her fundamental purpose, to find a way to balance expectation and her own desires. It was this aspect of the storyline that we chose to focus on when writing her stories” (D’mello, 2022). D’mello also responds to why Mizoram was chosen for WingStar’s setting saying, “Tinkle Toons do not only live and have adventures in their place of birth. They travel the country and in WingStar’s case internationally to complete a variety of missions” (D’mello, 2022). All these strategic decisions by the makers of WingStar result in a cultural product where all specific ethnic identity markers are erased and elided over as if they do not matter or exist and will thus not introduce the children to anything specific to Mizoram or Mizo culture. It becomes a generic story of a superhero who incidentally is female, hails from India and more specifically Mizoram, a state in India. Erased in this process is the history of marginalisation and under-representation that Mizoram along with other Northeastern states are subjected to within the mainstream literature and media, particularly with respect to children’s literature, television and film in India.

To place this problematic of homogenisation and monolithic nationalism in perspective it is important to look at this issue through writers and political scientists who write about the centre-state politics in the Northeast. Udayon Misra, a writer and critic from Assam, while talking about the national imaginary about the North-East and its identities, states, “such monolithic conceptions about a region which stands out for its diversity of cultures and civilizations would only help to nourish the biases and prejudices…” (2013, p. 3). According to Misra in his book India’s North-East: Identity, movements, state and civil society (2014) such a construction of nationalism has a historic lineage that goes back to the immediate months and years in post-independence India. Misra writes:

Those who had taken over power from the British at Delhi and were immersed in the streams of Indian cultural nationalism, were, therefore, not in a position to acknowledge, let alone try to understand and appreciate the different strands of alternate nationalism that were present in the northeastern part of the country… (2014, p. 9)

He points out that the nascent Indian nation may have been ill-equipped and unwilling to tackle the “demands of pluralism and the multi-ethnic nature of our polity” due to their tendency to gauge things through “a highly centralised focal point” (Misra, 2014, p. 28). The tendency over the years, as a result, is to attempt to integrate the states in the Northeastern region of India into the ‘Indian mainstream’ or to make them part of the ‘great Indian tradition’ (Misra, 2014, p. 74), as can be seen in the attempt to situate certain communities from Northeast India within ancient scriptures (2014, p. 79). Tinkle through WingStar seems to fall prey to this politics of integration, not by situating it within the larger discourse of “Hindu cultural nationalism” (Baruah, 2021, pp. 16-17), but by ignoring all cultural and regional specificities in order to ‘integrate’ it into the larger national imaginary. Though it is to be noted that the magazine is egalitarian in erasing all markers of ethnicity or regional specificities within its pages, however, what is problematic, is that it seems to have for the first time posited a specific geographic and cultural marker for one of its series to mark the ‘inclusivity’ the editors have aimed at and then have proceeded ‘naturally’ to erase all identity and cultural markers of the region.

Sanjib Baruah in his evocative accounts of the history of the Northeast, refers to the ‘othering’ of the states in the Northeastern region of the country. He points out that the language of ‘other’ing that permeates the official central government documents, national media accounts about what happens in the Northeastern part of the nation and popular culture references that further otherises the states in the Northeast. Baurah points out the vocabulary in government documents that state that the region in time will “catch-up and become part of the ‘national mainstream’” (2021, p. 44) indicating that in the national imagination the states of the Northeast “appear as a periphery” that are to develop and “catch-up” with the ‘mainstream’ (2021, p. 188). Quoting Mrinal Miri, Baruah states that, “the metaphor of the mainstream is a powerful hindrance to the understanding of India” (2021, p. 180). The arrival of WingStar within the Tinkle Universe serves as a moment for the Northeast to ‘catch-up’, it has now arrived in the living-rooms of children and Tinkle has become an agent to facilitate that moment. This moment is important considering the three lakhs per issue (as in 2019) circulation of Tinkle across 400 towns in India. Therefore, arriving in the Tinkle Universe would metaphorically herald an arrival into the psyches of the young Indians, for many among whom this would be their first cultural introduction to Mizoram or any of the states in the Northeastern region for that matter. In contextualising the WingStar within the larger Tinkle Universe imaginary, the diversity, plurality, multilinguistic and multiethnic identities of the region are levelled out, appropriated and erased to serve the ‘national mainstream’ and a rhetoric is established that tells the young reader that the people of the Northeastern regions in India are the ‘same like you’. Extrapolating from Baruah and Misra’s histories of the Northeastern regions, it is interesting to note that WingStar does not touch upon themes of insurgency or separatist movements that are part of the dominant discourses and cultural history of the region. It is interesting to note that Mapui Kawlim as WingStar is a vigilante superhero in a state which has cracked down hard on vigilantism. But Mapui is redeemed in that she along with her father and mother, Tashi and Kyati Kawlim work hand-in-hand with the State, through the state agency of the police forces of the region. Effort is made by the makers of WingStar to situate and locate her identity within the boundaries of the state machinery, with the police time and again turning to her for help, which validates her position. It is reiterated that Tashi Kawlim is an innovator who refused to sell his inventions to the “private arms manufacturer” Baik Sailo (Vol. 2, 2020, p. 1) but at the same time assists the police through his inventions. The State, in this narrative, takes on a glorified and glorifying position.

The cultural forgetfulness that is generally associated with successful state-building seems to be receding (Baruah, 1999, p. 4) and this brings in its wake a resurgence of memories and the need to imprint them into the national consciousness. Tinkle via WingStar joins the bandwagon to culturally represent the nation and its diversity but it still constitutes Mizoram within the larger amnesiac history of nation-building. All constructions of nationhoods involve projects of cultural hegemony and a pan-Indian national identity that is achieved through differences being ‘assimilated or destroyed’ (Baruah, 1999, p. 9). In all this, we can observe the creation of a banal nationalism that subsumes all differences and seeks to establish a non-heterogenous notion of identities and nationhood and in which WingStar becomes a part of this project of nation-building.

The Politics of Deterritorialization: Situating WingStar within the Tinkle Toons universe

Giles Deleuze and Felix Guattari in their seminal works ranging from Anti-Oedipus (1972) to A thousand plateaus (1980) re-examines Lacanian notions of territorialization and extends its use from within the psychological milieu and register to the social. This discussion will adopt E. W. Holland’s response to Deleuze and Guattari’s work in the 1970s and ‘80s to examine WingStar. It will concentrate on the social deployment of the notion of territorialization, deterritorialization and reterritorialization extending its use from the purview of the libidinal to human investment of energy in all kinds of activities ranging from the perceptual, cognitive, artistic, productive and physical (Holland, 1991, p. 57). According to Holland, Deleuze and Guattari, while examining the rhizomatic relations of power in society, argue that capitalism is not the only power that deterritorializes but that all operations of power in society do so. (Holland, 1991, p.57). In A thousand plateaus Deleuze and Guattari re-examine the notions of deterritorialization and reterritorialization not as binaries but as immanent structures within diverse semiotic processes (Holland, 1991, p. 59).  Capitalism for Deleuze and Guattari is a prime agent for deterritorialization (Holland, 1991, p. 64). In the context of WingStar and Mizo ethnic identities for the establishment of a certain pan-Indian identity, one can argue that nationalism is an agent for deterritorialization and a problematic reterritorialization through a process of cultural erasure of ethnic markers, in that, all specific Mizo identities are deterritorialized and reterritorialized as an absence/presence in WingStar.

Northeast is often “imagined as an internal other” (Baruah, 2021, p. 12). This internal “othering” is evident in the manner in which the state machinery has designed policies for the Northeast. And as Baruah, mirroring Miri, points out, “human beings do not have a policy toward family members or friends (Baruah, 2021, p. 13). In WingStar one can see a duality at work, a recognition of the ‘other’ and a fear of the same ‘other’. This gets expressed in the recognition of the need for narratives from the Northeast. The fear is manifest in the attempt to homogenise ethnic and cultural differences into a “just like any other” structure. The desire to recognise the ‘other’ manifests itself in the fact that these narratives are written and illustrated by people who do not culturally belong, who invest in themselves the power to represent this ‘other’ they feel requires representation. But this recognition does not at the same time extend to representing the cultural and ethnic markers specific to Mizoram and the Mizo community in which the narratives and characters are set. There is a deliberate way in which racial discrimination against the people from Mizoram and other Northeastern states are glossed over in order to not “offend people” (Staneley, 2016). The narrative turns into another Enid Blytonesque adventure fantasy where Mapui fights against the modern-day crime using technological interventions that grant her an edge over all other characters. It is interesting how her superhero powers are all because of the power-suit and extensions her father customises for her and not because she has something inherent within herself that enables her to be a superhero. She is not represented as a character who has a sense of justice, but she is portrayed as a young girl who is frivolous and boastful, not in the least accommodating of other’s opinions and full of herself. In this sense, she seems not in the least a superhero material. The sense of heroism and valour that ideally characterises a superhero is constantly demystified by her representation as a young girl who can lie to get out of doing her homework, who does not want to save the world but would rather have sleepovers and watch a TV series. She seems to be full of false bravado as she faces a temperamental villain and declares, “Come at me! Let me show you what I can do” (Vol 1, 2018, p. 19). She is visualised in this scene with her arms folded across her chest and it is also striking that she has come to face this villain ignoring her father’s instructions to stay at home. She seems narcissistic when she tells her friends that they could pass their time during their sleepover by watching news reports documenting “all her heroic acts” (Vol. 1, 2018, p. 23). She is portrayed as unwilling to change and experiment when she attempts to persuade her dad to give her the same power-suit rather than a revamped version. Through these and other instances in the narrative we see that Mapui Kawlim is deterritorialized from the normative superheroes of fictional worlds and reterritorialised in peculiar ways within the Tinkle Toons universe.

Within the Tinkle Toons universe, all ethnic and cultural markers and differences are wiped out, nothing differentiates the characters in terms of specific cultural or regional identities. Within this Universe the characters are reduced to a pan-Indian Tinkle toon character with idiosyncrasies and not so likeable traits. This is symptomatic of the Tinkle Toons universe, take for example Tinkle Toon characters like Shikhari Shambu, Tantri the Mantri, Suppandi and others. None of them have any specific identity or cultural markers and neither are they like the conventional heroes or central characters of children’s narratives. Shambu wins against villains through sheer force of circumstances and not through his intelligence or efforts, Tantri fails in all endeavours not for want of intelligence or cunning but through a set of circumstances, Suppandi is a hero for his witticisms that are more stupid than witty and there is Mapui Kawlim who wins only because of her power-suit, without which often than not and even despite it many a time her friends have to step in to save her from the clutches of the villains (Vol.1 & 2). The reterritorialization of Mapui Kawlim within the Tinkle Toons universe becomes apparent in the episode titled “Strange sightings” (Vol. 1, 2018, pp. 42-49) where Mapui is situated within the Tinkle Toon universe as a foil to Shikhari Shambu, Tantri the Mantri and Billy, the Fangless Vampire. All of these Tinkle Toons characters are involved, in their own bizarre and slapstick styles, in solving the case of the pheicchams. In the regular schema, this homogenisation then would not seem problematic unless one examines the avowed reason for the introduction of a narrative based in the Northeast. According to D’mello, the major reason for introducing WingStar set in Mizoram was “to showcase Northeastern culture, backgrounds, people—how they talk, how they look, they behave” (qtd in Staneley, 2016).

In WingStar we see deterritorialization and reterritorialization at work. Mizoram, as a state from the Northeastern region, which is under-represented in literature and children’s literature, is problematically ‘redeemed’ from this under-representation in a quintessential Tinkle manner through its appropriation into the Tinkle Toons universe. Aizawl is reterritoritorialised in this process as Aizwa, Mapuii as Mapui, Kawlim, a non Mizo surname attributed to her and all other social, cultural, ethnic and geographical markers which are obliterated in the process of this reterritorialization. According to D’mello, “Tinkle Toons are written with a universal narrative in mind. We want every reader to see themselves in the characters” (D’mello, 2022). In this process of recontextualization the narrative loses credibility with respect to its avowal to represent and showcase the Northeast and privileges a certain homogenisation that is the dominant ideology of nationalism. Mapui and her world gets recoded in this process into “just a female superhero from the Northeast” and her specific locale as “just a city”, both now almost ahistorical entities that exist ‘harmoniously’ within the Tinkle Toons universe.

Conclusion

One of the major problems that could possibly arise from this scenario would be an indigenization that is pan-Indian, an Indianization over Mizoization, that could lead to the erasure of ethnic and cultural specificities of Northeastern states and identities among children who read and engage with only mainstream media. The banal nationalism that gets enacted in the pages of WingStar is just another in a long chain of cultural and political hegemony enacted upon the body of a state located in the Northeastern region. In the case of Tinkle, Mizoram joins the long list of such homogenisation and cultural decluttering that guides the editorial policy of the magazine, which is to represent diversity but to not make it seem very diverse. In WingStar, Tinkle continues its history of recognising unity as a subsumption of identities into a pan-Indian and ubiquitous entity and generalising differences as present in every state and not touching upon specifics, in order to not disengage its readership. This positionality mirrors what Misra talks about when he says that the Indian middle class are yet to change from their narrow equations into a “truly liberal urban space. … Therefore, old mindsets and perceptions continue to hold sway and there seems to be little space for plurality of cultures and alternate nationalisms” (2014, p.6).  In this process, a breed of young minds would develop who do not recognise differences and would confront differences with suspicion and fear. But, “social, linguistic, and regional plurality must be seen as essential to the task of nation-building.… The perception of India as a country must be broadened to include nationalities which have been at the periphery, culturally, politically, and economically (Misra, 2014, pp. 82-23). What is important is not an ethnic nationalism which is a “commodified surplus” (Billig, 1995, p. 195) but an inclusive nationalism that acknowledges and respects differences of culture and ethnicities “without being integrated” (Misra, 2014, p.6) that can be built in the minds of children through inclusive narrativization that does not purposefully erase differences and ethnic markers.

Declaration of Conflict of Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest.

Funding

No funding has been received for the publication of this article. It is published free of any charge.

References

Abraham, R. E. (2018). Children’s edutainment magazines in English in India: An overview. Centre for Publications, Christ University. 

—. (2020). Acculturation and holistic development in children in India: Educative possibilities of children’s edutainment magazines in English, New Review of Children’s Literature and Librarianship, 26(1-2), pp. 1-13. https://doi.org/10.1080/13614541.2021.1972751

Baruah, Sanjib. (2021). Introduction. In In the name of the Nation: India and its Northeast (pp. 1-24). Navayana. 

—. (1999). India against itself: Assam and the politics of nationality. Oxford University Press.  

Billig, M. (2005). Banal nationalism. In P. Spencer & H. Wollman (eds.), Nations and nationalism: A reader, (pp. 184–196). Edinburgh University Press. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3366/j.ctvxcrmwf.17

D’mello, S. (2022, January 12). Personal communication [Email].

Holland, E. W. (1991). Deterritorializing “deterritorialization”: From the “Anti-Oedipus” to “A Thousand Plateaus.” SubStance, 20(3), 55–65. https://doi.org/10.2307/3685179

Misra, Udayon. (2013). India’s North-East: An illusive construct. In The periphery stikes back: Challenges to the Nation-State in Assam and Nagaland (pp. 1-14). Indian Institute of Advanced Study.

Misra Udayon. (2014). Northeast India: Roots of alienation. Introduction. In India’s North-East: Identities,   movements, state, and civil society (pp. 1-7). Oxford University Press.   

Pheiccham: Lead for change. (n.d.). Pheiccham: The story. https://pheichham.com/

Renan, E., & Giglioli, M. F. N. (2018). ‘What is a nation?’: (Qu’est-ce qu’une nation?, 1882). In What is a nation? and Other political Writings (pp. 247–263). Columbia University Press. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7312/rena17430.15

Staneley, S. A. (2016, January 18). Looking East: Tinkle’s depiction of its new superhero from the Northeast has a long way to go. The Caravan, Delhi Press.

https://caravanmagazine.in/vantage/looking-east-tinkle-superhero-wingstar-long-way-to-go

Thindiath, Rajani, ed. (January, 2018). WingStar: The reluctant superhero (Vol. 1) [Comic]. In Tinkle Mumbai: Amar Chitra Katha Pvt. Ltd.     

Thindiath, Rajani, ed. (June, 2020). WingStar: Dangers unseen (Vol. 2) [Comic]. In Tinkle Mumbai: Amar Chitra Katha Pvt. Ltd.     

Renu Elizabeth Abraham is an Assistant Professor of English with the Department of English and Cultural Studies, CHRIST (Deemed to be University), Bannerghatta Road Campus, Bengaluru, India. Her academic interests lie in Children’s Literatures in India, Fandom Studies, Comics Studies and Popular Culture Studies in India and she has recently published a monograph on Children’s magazines in English in India along with research articles on Fandoms and children’s magazines for acculturation in India.

Forbidden Cravings: Exploring socio-cultural ramifications of food practices in Aamis

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Alicia Jacob1 & Dishari Chattaraj2

Department of English and Cultural Studies at Christ University, Bangalore. Email: alicia.jacob@res.christuniversity.in

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022. Pages 1-10. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne37

First published: June 30, 2022 | AreaNortheast India | LicenseCC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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Abstract

Food choices represent conscious affirmation and expression of personal, group, ethnic or national identity. Due to its multidimensional role, food that we rely on sustenance is often politicised and used as a tool to create conflict amongst and within diverse social groups. Assamese cuisine includes a rich platter of authentic food varieties, often limited to the north-eastern region. Although food consumption is a subjective experience, cultural taboos within a community might be acceptable practices in another culture, creating conflicting notions of food practices. The balance between the twin axis of culture and politics regarding food is disrupted when heterogeneous cultural patterns and opposing political notions are in discord. Similarly, the solidarity within a cultural group becomes hostile when the authority of the individual concerning food choices is not aligned with the authority of the social structure. This discord from a political and cultural standpoint is evident in the Assamese socio-cultural scenario. Taking Bhaskar Hazarika’s Ravening/Aamis (2019) as a case study, this paper proposes to analyse the representational troupe of food, through a structuralist anthropological lens, with respect to food politics to understand socio-cultural ramifications of Assamese food patterns.

Keywords: food, Assamese cuisine, Aamis, food politics, cultural appropriation

The need to begin human settlement emerged out of the need to procure food. Food thereby was the foundation on which culture was built. Every culture is the point of interaction between tradition and innovation. Globalisation and change in patterns of consumption are erasing distinctive traditions and culture. Cultural contact and postcolonialism have increased the pace of cultural diffusion in the Indian context. Being a diverse country with multiple religions, ethnicities, languages, and cultures, India is waging an endless battle to attain cultural homogeneity. Additionally, in the context of India, cultural contact and postcolonialism have increased the pace of this cultural diffusion. In his work Multiculturalism, C. W. Watson (2000) emphasises the mutating role of culture and how collective identity is constantly modified and transformed. Apart from its nutritional value crucial for man’s survival, food is a social construct that is not often meant for conscious consumption. Kaplan (2012) asserts that the essence of food includes thirteen main conceptions. Ranging from the most natural to the most cultural, these conceptions include “nature, nutrition, fuel, medicine, diet, pleasure, taboo, commodity, goods, meaning, spirituality, recipe, and art” (p. 19). Thus, due to its multidimensional nature, food becomes a breeding ground for hegemony and creates disparities between cultures.

The eight north-eastern states in India are victims of cultural subjugation. The majoritarian culture from the mainland side lines these minority states, subjecting them to cultural loss (Misra, 2011). The sense of alienation from the mainland due to their cultural diversity creates tension between the mainland and North-eastern states (Harriss, 2002). The liminal position of the north-eastern states within Indian politics began with the independence of India and is attributed to their geographical location as well as their cultural practices. Food becomes a tool to create an inclusive exclusion within the north-eastern community in India. While they are part of the Indian subcontinent, they are excluded from full membership and forced to assimilate mainland practices and food choices through food politics. Food politics refers to the rules and regulations governing food production, distribution and consumption. Food through government manipulation becomes an instrument in heightening differences and creating a milieu of alienation. Michael Twitty (2017), in his talk on Culinary Justice, differentiates between cultural diffusion and cultural appropriation. He defines cultural diffusion as a natural and innocent process where different cultures interact and, as a result, assimilate certain practices into their culture. This assimilation is mutual. In contrast, cultural appropriation subjugates a minority culture and forces them to assimilate into the prominent culture, erasing their cultural aesthetics. Evidently, the north-eastern states are subjected to cultural appropriation.

One among the eight states of north-eastern India, Assam is an amalgamation of diverse cultures. Assamese cuisine includes a rich platter of authentic food varieties, which remains absent in the Indian cookbooks from the mainland. The balance between the twin axis of culture and politics regarding food is disrupted when heterogeneous cultural patterns and opposing political notions are in discord. Similarly, the solidarity within a cultural group becomes hostile when the authority of the individual concerning food choices is not aligned with the authority of the social structure. This discord from a political and cultural standpoint is evident in the Assamese socio-cultural scenario. Taking Bhaskar Hazarika’s Ravening/Aamis (2019) as a case study, this paper proposes to analyse the representational troupe of food, through a structuralist anthropological lens, with respect to food politics to understand socio-cultural ramifications of Assamese food patterns.

While anthropology, in general, is concerned with the scientific study of human beings, socio-cultural anthropology, in particular, focuses on understanding human behaviour in association with nature and culture (Eriksen, 2004). Natural behaviour refers to the set of common philosophical patterns seen in all human beings. In contrast, cultural behaviour refers to distinctive patterns of behaviour practised by an individual or within a community. However, structuralism is a cultural theory that aims to study human culture and practices through their relationship with broader social systems. Therefore, structural social anthropology, pioneered by Levi Strauss, study communicative structures and their mechanisms on both conscious and unconscious levels to understand intricate cultural forms (Leach, 1973). The idea of art as an imitation of reality is an age-old dictum that finds realisation in films. Additionally, being a product of culture, films tend to portray the culture that it represents in intricate ways. Structuralist film theory further interprets how meanings are channelled through a set of codes through both linguistic as well as visual cues (Benshoff, 2015). Food, a cultural marker that often finds its place on the big screen, is instrumental in implicitly transacting meaning. Aamis, set in Guwahati, the largest city in Assam, enthralls the viewers through the appealing visuals of food while problematising the politics of food.

Assam, food and culture – Inclusive exclusion

The etymological origin of the word ‘Assam’ has its root in Food culture. Taken from the Sanskrit word ‘cham’ the derivation of the verb ‘to eat’, Assam got its name after the arrival of Brahmins, who cleared the misleading reputation of the land as one of cannibalism. ‘A-cham’ refers to ‘non-cannibal land and people’ (Saikia, 2005)[i]. The politics of food and culture within the terrain of Assam can be directly linked to the State’s position within the country. The relative absence of Assam from the documented history of modern India, along with the lack of representation from the Northeast within the socio-political reforms of Indian history, has been an area of discussion (Barua & Lal, 2020). The relative non-existence of the history of Assam within the ranks of Indian chronicles can be attributed to the diverse non-Aryan linguistic and cultural heritage along with the presence of multi-religious communities (Goswami, 2014). Additionally, cultural appropriation of this northeasternstate through the invasiveness of mainland culture blurs the boundaries between indigenous traditions and modernity. The loss of cultural identities and the issues of creating new cultural identities through intercultural interactions has remained a prominent subject matter within Assamese literature (Misra, 2011). While included within the geographical and political terrain of Indian policies, Assam remains excluded and ‘othered’ based on cultural differences. Food, a prominent marker of every culture, has also been subjected to appropriation in the Assamese context. Assamese cuisine, like Assamese history, has been excluded from the texts of the mainland. The majority of the Indian cookbooks available in the market split Indian cuisine into North-Indian and South-Indian cuisine and rarely includes authentic dishes from the north-east. However, despite its side-lined existence within the world of cuisines, Assamese cuisine retains its authenticity within its geographical boundaries (Das, 2008). Relying on a wide variety of plant as well as animal products, Assamese cuisine refers to the authentic dishes and stylised cooking from the state of Assam. Assamese dishes are simple and rely on fresh, fermented and dried forms of food products to add flavour to the dishes.  Meat remains a popular dietary choice within Assamese communities, besides a diverse variety of fish, poultry and animals to choose from. The popular types of meat include: fish, mutton, pork, chicken, squab, and duck. Although not widely popular, beef is consumed within Assam (Biju Borah et al., 2018). Consumption of dog meat, pangolin meat, and a wide variety of insects such as rice grasshopper, cricket, water bug, snail, adult termite, and silkworm larvae in Assam are also accounted for (Chowdhury et al., 2015; D’Cruze et al., 2018). These food groups are unique to the northeastern region and are relatively absent from the cuisine of the mainland. Religious restrictions on meat consumption practised in the mainland remain void on Assamese grounds. Assamese brahmins consume meat, while Meitei brahmins restrict themselves to fish consumption and avoid other forms of meat (Datta, 2012). In addition to their geographical position, these attributes within Assamese culture become sources of alienation.

Cultural appropriation aims to erase these authentic functionalities within the Assamese culture to create a more unified national identity and culture. Although a secular country as per the constitution, India has evidently leaned towards the demolition of the secularistic spirit of the nation. Additionally, the tendency to proclaim India as a Hindutva nation has been accelerated in recent times. In the wake of the political change of guard after the 2016 state elections in Assam, cultural appropriation of the state was set in motion with an aim to spread the dogmatic ideology of the mainland (Jaffrelot, 2017). An attempt at religious polarisation within Assam has been underway since then (Saikia, 2020). Food, as a cultural marker, is often instrumental in cultural practices. Food politics refers to the policies governing the production, distribution, and consumption of food endorsed by a political/governmental body. Cultural appropriation can be achieved through the policing of food practices and restricting the availability of food groups that are not aligned with the consumption patterns of the mainland. Assam’s Cattle Preservation Bill of 2021 is one such political agenda that aims to create food restrictions within the State (Correspondent, 2021). Although the bill does not explicitly ban the production, distribution, and consumption of beef, the restrictions imposed by the bill make it seemingly impossible to sell or consume beef. This restriction was inflicted upon every community, especially the Muslim community, within the boundaries of Assam with an aim to achieve the spirit of the ‘Hindutva nation’. The beef ban exacerbates the oppression of religious minority groups and often becomes a tool to normalise violence against Muslim and Dalit communities (Parikh & Miller, 2019). Additionally, the call for the ban of pork slaughter and distribution within a 500-metre radius of mosques, as consumption of pork meat is considered taboo by the Muslim community, was refused arguing that the pig was not a sacred animal (Zaman, 2021). Warren Belasco (2008) introduced the concept of the culinary triangle of contradiction to better understand the factors that influence food consumption on a personal, social and global level. Identity, convenience and responsibility take up each side of the triangle. While identity is the preliminary factor determining food choices, convenience or the availability of food factor is the second. The lack of availability of certain food groups through political interference forces people to choose a more convenient option making cultural appropriation invisibly actionable. Aamis by Bhaskar Hazarika is a film that implicitly addresses the disparity between political appropriation and cultural resistance by questioning the authority of the social structure.

Aamis: Mirroring Reality

Although the Assamese film industry had its foundation in the early 20thcentury, it was only in contemporary times that Assamese cinema gained significant national and international attention. Apart from its entertaining quality, regional cinema is an instrument that addresses, influences and often mirrors the ideologies of a community and works towards empowering society. Assamese movies stand true to this statement as regional narratives give us insights into the intricacies of Assamese culture and society (Deori& Bora, 2020; Deka, 2021). Written and directed by Bhaskar Hazarika, Aamis (2019), alternately titled Ravening, is an Assamese film that first premiered at the Tribeca Film Festival, New York. The movie received critical acclaim for its unique portrayal of a haunting love story centred around food and the intricacies of intimacy and taboo. The movie is closely aligned with the culture of Assam and takes us through an exotic journey through its representation of Axomiya cuisine. The movie also bagged the Best Director Award along with the Best Actor: Female Award at the 3rd Singapore South Asian International Film Festival (SAIFF) 2019.

‘Aamis’ literally translates to meat. Whereas the film’s English title ‘Ravening’ refers to the extreme hunger of a ferocious animal hunting for prey. Both titles remain significant to understanding the essence of the movie where meat is a metaphor for love and intimacy that the protagonists are ravening for. Aamis is an all-consuming love story between Nirmali, a paediatrician and Suman, a research scholar. The complexity of the plot is attributed to the forbidden nature of their relationship and the lengths to which each character has to go to control their insatiable desire until it consumes them. Nirmali, a woman with strict values and a mother, is contemptuous towards illicit relationships and adheres strictly to the societal construct of a ‘married woman’ despite the fact that her husband is more or less absent. Sumon, who is conducting research on the meat-eating traditions of the Northeast, is a non-conformist who is assertive with his culture and ideology. Sumon is part of a meat club in which they hunt, kill, cook and eat the meat of wild animals and birds. He is scornful of processed meat available in stores. Suman says “we don’t buy dressed meat in the Meat Club. These days people put anything in their mouth not knowing where it came from, how it was stored, how old it is. Feels sick thinking about it. In our Meat Club we buy the thing live, slaughter, cook and enjoy it” (Hazarika, 2019). The politics of food and the involvement of governmental agencies to regulate food consumption within the Assamese culture are questioned through Sumon.[ii] Axomiya cuisine comprises a rich platter of meat varieties which is often reduced to a few basic variants like mutton, chicken, pork and fish through governmental interference. Sumon and his meat club is a form of resistance against cultural appropriation through which he is inhibiting governmental policies attempting to erase the cultures and practices within Assam.

A serendipitous encounter between Nirmali and Sumon catapults a series of meetings that revolve around testing and tasting different varieties of meat. Nirmali treats a vegetarian friend of Sumon, who was suffering from indigestion after overeating mutton for the first time. On getting to know about the meat club that Sumon was a part of, Nirmali promises to take a portion of the meat, they cook as the fee for his friend’s diagnosis. While tasting wild rabbit meat enthralls her tastebuds, Nirmali complained about the increasing availability of processed food in the market and how it is difficult to trust the food on the plate. Nirmali’s interest in consuming unadulterated meat and Sumon’s resistance towards processed food consumption leads them to explore authentic meat delicacies. Soon these food rendezvous develop into love, although Nirmali is hesitant to admit this to herself. The food on the plate becomes an extension of Sumon himself. “When I am eating with you, all I want to eat is meat. Nothing else registers” Hazarika, 2019).

 The meat here becomes a metaphor for love,[iii] which she is unable to reciprocate physically. Her conflict in adhering to the social stigma of having an illicit relationship and going against the moral codes of society weighs heavily on her. This prevents her from reciprocating her longing for Sumon who is desperate for her attention. While her internalised social parameters prohibit her from embracing her newfound love, she rebels against societal norms surrounding food which to her is less threatening. While Sumon talks about the meat varieties consumed by people from the Northeast like deer, elephant, donkey, dog, cat, lizards, worms, snakes, snails and so on, Nirmali is brimming with passion. Sumon, upholding the idea that there is no universal ‘normal’ when it comes to food, is excited to fulfil Nirmali’s wishes to try foods that are culturally forbidden. While Sumon remains a forbidden object by the societal conventions inflicted on a married woman, Nirmali is unwilling to break her commitment towards her family. Meanwhile, her indulgence in forbidden meat is a means to satisfy her craving for Sumon, which, while giving her the pleasure of being a non-conformist, remains seemingly harmless. The story takes a dark turn when what seemed seemingly harmless, and simply Sumon’s idea of indulging in Nirmali’s love for meat, turns to cannibalism.

Food Ethics and Cannibalism as resistance

David M Kaplan (2012) in Food Philosophy discusses the concept of food ethics as the food-related obligation one has with oneself and the society at large. It refers to the responsibility an individual has to himself and his community in creating an environment of wellness and wholesome nourishment. Cannibalism, although prevalent in certain tribes in the remotest part of the world, is generally frowned upon by civilised society. Consuming human flesh as the last resort for survival, emergency cannibalism, although undesirable, is not considered immoral; however, any other form of cannibalism is strictly prohibited in contemporary society (Kaplan, 2012). Nevertheless, cannibalism or cannibalistic tendencies in literature and films often represents a wide array of meaning. Carolyn Korsmeyer (2014) argues that within literary discourse, cannibalism tends to represent societal breakdown. In the movie The Cook, the Thief, His Wife and Her Lover, Cannibalism becomes a metaphor that signifies the disintegration of civilised society and, by extension the end of consumerism (Armstrong, 2004).

Sumon, who is madly in love with Nirmali, is desperate for their physical union. However, respecting Nirmali’s need to adhere to societal codes, he realises a conventional union of the bodies is unfeasible in their case. Desperate, he comes up with a solution that would ascertain their union. With the help from his Veterinarian friend, Elias, Sumon obtains a piece of his flesh claiming, that he needs it for his research. He then prepares an egg dish which, when consumed by Nirmali, makes her ecstatic and takes her to orgasmic heights. The egg is symbolic of fertility and carries sexual connotations. Replacing the yolk of the egg with his flesh can be connotative of their physical union where the egg is representative of the female sexual organ, and the action of filling is symbolic of the act of sex itself. Every dish prepared from Sumon’s flesh has sexual underpinnings to them. The rice cake stuffed with meat provides a similar symbolic meaning. Additionally, the way the tomato is gutted and stuffed with meat alludes to sexual union. The preparation of Sumon’s meat on a skewer symbolically exerts the image of a phallus. Every dish prepared on-screen carries an underlying allusion to their sexual union. Similarly, the cutlet made out of Nirmali’s flesh is representative of the female reproductive organ, and the cabbage dressing is symbolic of purity and fertility. Further, cabbage, with reference to its shape, is also representative of a fertile womb (Rinker, 1995).

Nirmali is disgusted with herself for enjoying the dish when she realises that it was made of human flesh. Although initially upset at Sumon, Nirmaliunderstands what propelled Sumon to take this drastic step. For Sumon, the consumption of his flesh signifies a sense of spiritual union that is absolute, uniting them in a single body. Peggy Sanday (1986) defines cannibalism into multiple categories based on their motivation, and the ‘psychogenic hypothesis’ best represents Suman’s motive as it implies the satisfaction of psychosexual needs. Moreover, we see Nirmali reciprocating her love by preparing Sumon a cutlet made of her meat for the first time. Sumon vomits when he finds out. This may be because Sumon is not reined in by societal pressure to consummate their love; it is only the lack of consent from Nirmali that is stopping him. Nirmali admits that she has tasted the fundamental flavour of life through tasting human flesh and, there is no going back. Things go out of hand when she develops an acute addiction to human meat, which is driving her insane. Left with no option, Sumon promises to find her a large chunk of human flesh, which is the only way to curb her craving. Unfortunately, Sumon is caught in the act of murder and is convicted along with Nirmali. Towards the end of the movie, we see Nirmali striking a realisation that murder is a detrimental societal taboo than an illicit relationship. We see them holding hands for the first time in the movie, which is publicly pronouncing their love for each other. Humans are bound by cultural norms, and social dictums and cannibalism erase those boundaries set forth by these socio-cultural milieus (Brown, 2013). Nirmali and Sumon are both socially non-conforming, and cannibalism signifies their resistance toward the restrictions imposed on them through cultural appropriation.

Apolitical Stand in Aamis

According to Anne Bower, food films are the ones where food plays a central role in the development of the narrative, negotiating questions of identity, power, and culture, and the inclusion of a film into this genre is generally subjective (Bower, 2012). Aamis evidently belongs to the genre of food films and implicitly critiques dominant attitudes that are part of cultural appropriation. However, explicitly, the movie remains apolitical. The conflict regarding the consumption of beef and pork in Assam is an extension of the Hindu-Muslim conflict and is an area of political/religious disparity. Despite the conflict, the consumption of pork and beef within Assam remains consistently high. In a study on meat-consumption in North-East India, pork ranked first, which owed to 70% of the meat consumption in the Northeast, and beef ranked second with 10% of total meat consumption (Mahajan et al., 2015). The study also shows that there is a supply–demand gap in the production and consumption of beef in Assam, which might be attributed to governmental food policies. Similarly, in the case of Assam, a large majority of 79% of the population indulged in the consumption of pork while the consumption of beef was below 10% (Biju Borah et al., 2018). However, despite the evident consumption of pork and beef by the people of Assam, Bhaskar Hazarika’s decision to neglect the existence of these varieties of meat have raised questions. The decision to avoid representations of pork and beef might be a deliberate attempt to steer clear of controversy and political backlash. Every cultural product is forced to undergo censorship to maintain the status quo of the political and social practices of the region. The intolerance of politicians towards filmmakers, especially in the Indian context, has influenced the creation of Cinematographic laws (Banerjee, 2009). One can only argue that the inclusion of politically controversial topics in the movie would have resulted in censorship, which would have had detrimental effects on the transaction and success of the movie. By choosing to self-censor and remaining apolitical, Hazarika was able to address the issues of food politics more inherently and reach a wider audience without uncanny political attention.

Conclusion

Films, primarily feature films, are carefully constructed reflections of reality. Food, which is an inevitable part of human life, inherently mundane, when presented on screen provides insight into the existing hegemony within cultural and social structures and also marginalisation and disenfranchisement causing, social, political and economic implications. Aamis, although superficially a haunting love story that finds expression through food, addresses the socio-cultural ramifications of Assamese cuisine and the exertion of political influence in appropriating Assamese culture. The association of cannibalism to the breakdown of the socio-cultural system can be aligned with the attempt of political policies to erase the authentic practices and culture of Assam in particular and the Northeast in general. Cultural appropriation, be it forceful or seemingly harmless, imply the collapse of culture. Food and air are the primary necessity for human survival. However, food carries additional cultural significance, for it remains a marker not only of socio-economic and cultural identities but also is responsible for creating communal, religious, gender, and national identities. Indian culture has always been diverse, and attempting to compile these cultures into a standard framework is atrocious. Food politics provides autonomy to the authority to police what is and what is not be consumed. Aamis, although a dark love story revolving around food taboos at the surface, addresses wider socio-cultural implications. Carefully integrating political concerns that threaten to erase Assamese culture, the film, while remaining apolitical, succeeded to sow the seed of resistance. Additionally, the film attempts to create a space for Assamese cuisine and the rich platter of meat varieties within the wide spectrum of Indian cuisine.

Declaration of Conflict of Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest.

Funding

No funding has been received for the publication of this article. It is published free of any charge.

Notes

[i]Yasmin Saika (2005) in her interpretation of the etymological origin of the name ‘Assam’ discusses two derivations; the first from the Sanskrit word ‘asama’ meaning ‘uneven’ or ‘undulating’ referring to the hilly terrain of the land, the second from the Sanskrit word ‘cham’.

[ii]Food and associated practices, along with its connotative meaning, help define cultural citizenship. The term ‘cultural citizenship’ was first introduced by Toby Miller in his book Cultural Citizenship: Cosmopolitanism, Consumerism and Television in a Neoliberal Age (2007), and it refers to the participation of an individual in a society where his consumption of goods and services is aligned with the ideologies of his culture.

[iii]Food metaphors are symbolic of sexual consumption and allude to sexual desire, where the appetite for sex and food becomes inseparable (Andrievskikh, 2014).

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Alicia Jacob is a UGC Junior Research Fellow and Research Scholar at the Department of English and Cultural Studies at Christ University, Bangalore. She did her MA in English from the University of Calicut. Her ongoing PhD research includes areas of gender and cultural disparities that exist within the terrain of Food Studies.

Dr. Dishari Chattaraj is an Assistant Professor at the Department of English and Cultural Studies at Christ University, Bangalore. She received her M.Phil and Ph.D. from JNU, New Delhi, and her MA from EFLU, Hyderabad. She has been hosted as a Fulbright Fellow at Indiana University Bloomington, USA. Her area of research is primarily in the area of Food Studies, Pedagogy and Curriculum development in higher education.

Cultural Differences, Racism and Trauma: A Critical Analysis of Nicholas Kharkongor’s Axone: A Recipe for Disaster

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Munmi Bora

Department of Foreign Languages, Gauhati University, Guwahati, Assam. Email: munmi.bora92@gmail.com

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022. Pages 1-10. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne36

First published: June 30, 2022 | AreaNortheast India | LicenseCC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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Abstract

 “How do people born and raised in one society manage to live in another society that is culturally different from the one they are used to?” (Sam & Berry, 2006, p. 3). This question is fundamental to the whole process of acculturation. When cultures come together there is always the possibility of conflict. But apart from conflict, processes like assimilation, integration, separation or marginalization are also there as the line separating different cultures is penetrable and not rigid. In this paper, an attempt shall be made to study these concepts and to some extent the problematic side of a globalized world and the related trauma the characters go through in a society culturally different from theirs in Nicholas Kharkongor’s film Axone: A Recipe for Disaster. Though the film is particularly about the Northeast migrants and the racism they faced, it also portrays the universal presence of such bigotry and prejudices that have infected the Northeastern communities as well. This paper is an attempt to understand the sufferings and the hostilities faced by the migrant groups that compel them to return to their ethnic roots. Does retreating to one’s enclosed shell a way out to avoid this conflict? Or is there a way out to establish a meaningful relationship and establish proper communication among people in an environment where different cultures reside together? A close reading of some particular incidents in the film will be done in an attempt to find an implicit solution to reconcile the differences. 

Keywords: Culture, conflict, acculturation, racism, trauma, reconcilement

Culture encompasses every aspect of human life. With the onset of colonization, globalization and augmentation of such new concepts, thinkers have placed a critical eye on the concept of culture, as the homogeneity of societies has been doubted with penetrable boundaries and movement of people across the globe. The meeting of cultures resulted in hegemonic relationships and cultural imperialism which created an unbalanced equation among the culturally different groups (Weedon, 2004, p. 3). Moreover, the inception of “hegemony” has tended to serve one group better than the other. Such an imbalanced equation among groups caused the emergence of conflict. Samuel P.Huntington in his book Clash of Civilization and Remaking of the World Order (2011) has forwarded his idea about the source of conflict among the nations which will be cultural rather than ideological or economic in the coming future (p.26). The line that separates the dominant and subordinate cultural groups is penetrable. Thus, we have theories related to acculturation, assimilation, or cultural mixing to name a few.

India, a postcolonial society, is a multi-ethnic, multicultural, and multiracial nation. Multiculturalism, however, has become more an expression of an individual’s apprehension for dignity and respect than a reflection of culture. This remains evident in the treatment and condition of certain minority social groups like the ethnic tribes from the India’sNortheast region in a multicultural society like Delhi. People belonging to such groups are often singled out and are discriminated against by the dominant groups because of certain apparent differences in their appearances, accent, or food habits etc. The case of Northeast people and their condition in a culturally diverse place like Delhi has unveiled some larger issues that are often ignored in a culturally diverse country like India. Vinod Khobragade (2009), substantiating the idea of Harrison that there are many nations within India, has figured out the different nations that constitute India as “North Indian nation (the fair-skinned Aryan), South Indian nation (dark-skinned Dravidian), and more importantly the North-Eastern nation (theellow-skinned Mongoloid)”(p.1162). India is considered as a synthesis of Aryan and Dravidian culture and the fact that Northeasterners belong to the mongoloid race made them ‘the Other’ (Bora, 2019, p.854). Sanjib Boruah (2005), citing William Van Schendel, hasrevealed how the western gaze that looked down upon the hill people as backwardand generally stereotyped as uncivilized as compared to the people of the plains. Such extant practices have not only instigated racial divide but caused the fractured relationship between the Northeast and mainland India resulting in “a cultural gap, an economic gap, a psychological gap, and an emotional gap” (Baruah, 2005, p.166). Writers like Papori Bora (2019) have traced the problem of racial divide to the colonisation era when the imperial power tended to differentiate and discriminate the colonised native on the premise of the inferior race (p. 846). When people from the Northeast region started migrating to the mainland cities with such a history of differences, it made them vulnerable as they faced racial discrimination for their looks, the way they dress, or the food they cook. Ever and again, incidents of racial discrimination against Northeasterners come out. The sudden spike in such racial prejudices during the Covid- 19 pandemic has exposed the dehumanizing treatment a Northeasterner goes through in metropolitan cities. The incident of the Manipuri girl being spat on by an unidentified man and calling her “corona” revealed the racially charged comments and treatment people from the Northeast face (Bajaj, 2020). Again in Hyderabad, entry was denied to two young students from the Northeast region because the guard thought they were not Indian (Das, 2020). In many places, tribal students are asked to vacate the residency citing petty reasons, or sometimes no reason at all. Such racial discriminations remind us of Nido Tania, who raised everyone’s concern when he was beaten to death by a shopkeeper who called him ‘chinky’ and against which Nido Tania retaliated (Pant, 2020).  Later the High court cited intolerance for cultural differences as the root cause behind the attack. However, they acknowledged the presence of a ‘racial element’ for which they recommended an amendment in the IPC that would make “racial slurs punishable” (Bora, 2019, p.858). Commenting on the report submitted by the Bezbaruah committee in regard to Nido Tania case, Bora (2019) writes how the assigned committee failed to articulate racism as a problem behind his death substantiating the fact that racism exists in our society as “a problem without a name” (p.849).

 This paper brings to light a culturally significant film set in the Humayunpur area in Delhi which is considered a ghetto for migrants from Northeast. The film is about a group of friends from the Northeast region living in Delhi and their struggle to cook ‘axone’ for their friend Minam’s wedding. The film attempts to deal with some of the larger issues like racism and prejudices through the medium of food and how people from Northeast region are almost always on the receiving end of such discrimination. The discrimination is manifested through the vile act of harassment, bullying, physical and verbal abuse, and other such experiences that affected the inner psyche of the migrants and traumatised them. The leading characters like Chanbi (Lin Laishram) and Upasana (Sayani Gupta) played challenging roles that attempt to break the stereotypical images associated with girls from Northeast. The group of friends from the Northeast knew that their owner would never allow them to cook ‘axone’ in the building, so they try finding out tricks to cook it. The struggle they faced to accomplish their goal of cooking their ethnic food highlights some major issues engulfing Indian society. For a Northeastern who has lived outside the Northeast, the obvious point of difference arises when you are cooking something specific to one’s culture like fermented ‘dry fish’, ‘axone’, and ingredients that are more on the noisome side and smell pungent for the neighbours. This paper attempts to discuss such differences and challenges of prejudices and racism the ethnic minorities face in Delhi and the related trauma the characters go through in a society culturally different from theirs. The film also portrays the solidarity the migrant group shares and how they seek out each other to make friends, which helps to overcome the traumatic harassment and create their own space where they can recall and remember their home. The role of stereotypes, prejudices, and the conflict history of the region has fitted the region into the bowl of discrimination. Another issue that is highlighted in this paper is the universality of such bigotry and prejudiced practices which pervades every community and exists even within the Northeastern group. For instance, Upasana (the Nepali girl) is often considered as the ‘other’ among the group of Northeastern friends. In one instance Zorem (her boyfriend) made her realise how she is treated differently by Minam and Chanbi who are closer to each other. In another instance, Minam showed aversion to Zorem being in a relationship with the Nepali girl Upasana. Thus, occasionally Upasana too faces such discrimination within her own friend circle.

People carry their culture wherever they go, consciously or unconsciously. We often tend to carry with us objects that symbolise our culture. Food is an integral part of one’s culture and a powerful lens of analysis. Food is also the space where intercultural exchanges possibly take place. The film Axone by Nicholas Kharkongor uses the food motif to deal with some complex issues like cultural acceptance, preservation, and also resistance in a multicultural world. In this film, food becomes the main point of difference that caused racist treatment towards the group of Northeast migrants who wanted to prepare their ethnic food for one of their friend’s weddings. The owner of the building where the three Northeastern girls (Chanbi, Upasana, and Minam) live, calls their food “stinky” and even threatens to get them arrested if they don’t stop cooking. She further abuses them and condemns their cooking by retorting that her building is stinking like a gutter. The struggle on the part of the migrants to taste and cherish their ethnic food in a foreign land brings forth some of the major issues like racism, casteism, and violation of human rights that have swamped the Indian society. In this era of cultural globalization where local food items are getting equal attention in the global market, the same is not the case with akhuni/axone. It has a distinct smell which makes the food sidelined in the global market. The matter gets worse when, along with the food, the particular community associated with it is pushed into the periphery and is discriminated against and judged with a biased and racist eye. Northeast migrants in Delhi often find it hard to get accommodation and when they get any, they are strictly prohibited from cooking their ethnic food. Despite having multiethnic restaurants in Delhi that reflect, on the surface, the cosmopolitan nature of such big cities, the question arises as to why the migrants then have to live under strict surveillance when it comes to eating and cooking the same ethnic food in the comfort of their home. In the film, we come across scenes where Upasana and Chanbi approach such restaurants serving ethnic cuisine to help them cook their food. The whole façade of multiculturalism has been righty captured in Kikon’s (2015) writing where she points out how ethnic foods from the Northeast region have been subjected to “inclusion without acceptance” (p.323). Naga food has been included in the national culinary map of India but the same food is banned from being cooked because of its strong smell. Instances of police circulating booklets about how cooking and eating smelly food by the northeast migrants have caused chaos in the migrants’ pockets in Delhi proves the non-acceptance of the ethnic food (Dholabhai,2007). Another reason behind the non-acceptance of the tribal food in the mainland delicacies is the ways the dishes are cooked. Tribal food is cooked with less oil or masala segregates it from the mainland delicacies. The importance of ethnic food for a migrant lies in the fact that it invokes the memory of ‘home’ and ‘identity’ and helps to satiate the feelings of longingness for one’s roots in distant or unfamiliar surroundings (Kikon, 2015, p.321). Gopal Guru (2019) in this context has pointed out how cooked food apart from satiating hunger and taste has a “decisive criterion for the construction of cultural identity” (p.156). In the power dynamics to maintain hegemony, food becomes a crucial aspect that carries political underpinnings and becomes a medium through which social hierarchies are indicated and perpetuated. The violent reaction against the food habits of particular social groups belonging to the Northeast region or the Dalits by calling it “dirty” and “smelly” stems from conditioned racism ingrained in the social structure (Kikon, 2021, p. 280). The attempt on the part of the upper caste to homogenise the culinary practices according to the dominant class pushed the minority social groups and their dietary practices into the domain of non-acceptance: “The upper castes have not only prescribed food for themselves, they have designated foods for other castes as well” (Guru, 2019, p.157). Such tendencies have not only victimized the minority social groups but denounced the notion of diversity altogether. Affirming the food practices of the minority groups will not only provide a counter-narrative but a proper presentation of diversified India.

Racist disparities shown towards the dietary practices of the northeast region become a metaphor for how northeast migrants are treated in mainland Indian cities like Delhi. Instances of racial abuse that take the form of violence are apparent in the film. The brutal comments that the landlady pass on one of the Northeast migrants, Bendang Longkumer, about his appearance that he can’t keep his eyes open render it evident that the Northeasterners are mistreated and abused for their looks. The incident that Chanbi, another migrant from the Northeast, faced in the market pushed everything to an extreme. She was slapped by two guys who verbally abused her and when confronted, they did not hesitate to abuse her physically. The two boys unveiled the harassment women face that double up when colors of racism are added. Rachna Chandira (2018) while interviewing Ngurang Reena revealed the general perceptions about northeastern girls that they are “easy women”. Ngurang Reena, a social activist and a feminist fighting against such discrimination states:

When you are in a place like Delhi and you have to always adjust to something new, as a woman, as a person from the marginalised section, so every space you go into makes you sort of political. (Chandira, 2018)

This image of ‘being available’ is also manifested in their non-Northeastern friend Shiv’s fetishism over the Northeastern girl who continuously makes comments like “get me a northeast girlfriend” (Kharkongor, 2019, 1:21:10). Women, in general, and women from marginalized social groups, in particular, are subjected to multiple jeopardies. They become victims of race, class, gender, caste, and whatnot. In a survey carried out by the Centre of Northeast Studies and Policy Research, Jamia Millia Islamia, and the National Commission of Women in 2012, 81% of women from the northeast face discrimination daily. They are always viewed through a judgmental lens. This incident that Chanbi faced, traumatizes her to the point of making her numb, incapable to act. Moreover, nobody supported her except one woman who consoled her rather than taking any action. Even her partner Bendang acted passively. Each and every character in the film has a different story of such harassment altogether. For instance, Bendang once had blonde hair for whichpeople nearby the area, where he worked, often made fun of him, and for once when he protested, he was beaten almost to death. The story of Bendang brings back the case of Nido Tania who was beaten to death when he retaliated to such bullying. Continuous discrimination has shaken the self-worth and self-confidence of Bendang. The behavior of Bendang can be related to social anxiety disorder, that is, the fear of negative evaluation, fear of embarrassment that partially comes because of his earlier non-acceptance. The effect of the incident is very much reflected in the behavior of Bendang when he remained numb even when his partner faced the same brutality. He no longer dares to stand for himself or others. Such psychological trauma compelled him to lock himself up in his room, away from everything. On the other hand, we have Chanbi who continuously suffered a panic attack after facing all those racist incidents.

Both men and women from the Northeast are subjected to different kinds of racial discrimination which has its commencement in stereotypical conceptions that the common masses hold against the Northeastern people which further exacerbates the traumatic experiences of the characters. Stereotyping is when an assumption becomes knowledge that common people start sharing about an individual or thing. The stereotypes are generally negative and derogatory, often used to justify some kind of discrimination, oppression, and otherization. The concept of stereotype represents the consensus of the majority of the population about the other person or group. Stereotyping, and at the same time romanticizing the unknown or the half known has caused a lot of problems disrupting proper communication among people in a multicultural and globalized world. The building where Chanbi and Minam live also has some African girls. While they were having conversations about cooking ‘axone’, the African girl commented on how Upasana did not look like one who belongs to the Northeast. Even Shiv, the grandson of the landlady, made the same remark about her look. Her face does not fit the stereotype image people carry about the Northeasterners. This showcases yet another problem of how Northeast India is taken as a homogeneous entity by the outsiders. Women are more vulnerable owing to the gender-based violence they receive. The aspects associated with Northeast Indian Women, likethe way they dress, the bond they share with their male friends, and the independence they forecast in metropolitan cities that stand at odds with most of the women from mainland India become a matter of speculation that finally culminates in presenting them as “loose in morals and sexually promiscuous” (Mcduie- Ra, 2012, p. 71).

In the film Axone, we see how the characters behave in intercultural encounters and respond to acculturation, assimilation, and other such processes.  Sam and Berry (2006) defined acculturation as, “The meeting of cultures and the resulting changes” (p.1). Some other terms associated closely with acculturation are assimilation, integration and marginalization, and separation.  As forwarded by John W. Berry (2006),

when individuals do not wish to maintain their cultural identity and seek daily interaction with other cultures, the assimilation strategy is defined. In contrast, when individuals place a value on holding on to their original culture, and at the same time wish to avoid interaction with others, then the separation alternative is defined. When there is an interest in both maintaining one’s original culture, and having daily interactions with other groups, integration is the option here. (p. 35)

Bendang trying to sing a Hindi song or Upasana trying to cook a traditional dish of Nagaland ‘axone’, and at the same time learning the language of her partner, are some examples of their attempt to integrate with the dominant culture. They did not adopt a separatist tendency or assimilative tendency but rather wanted to take a middle path where they could keep intact their own culture and at the same time integrate with the mainstream dominant culture. However, integration between dominant and non-dominant cultural groups requires acceptance and mutual accommodation of the larger social network. To live as culturally different people within the same society requires acceptance. The strategy requires efforts from both sides. The non-dominant groups are required to adopt some basic values of the larger society, at the same time the dominant group should accept the needs of the former. However, non-acceptance from the dominant group often pushes the individual to take up a separatist stand avoiding interaction with the mainstream group or minimal interaction. In the later part of the film, we see Chanbi telling Bendang about how he never tried to integrate with people other than his Northeastern friends. What we see in the case of Bendang and his other Northeastern friends is that the dominant group or culture did not accept them and pushed them into their enclosed shell. Bendang’s inaction during the market incident or even locking himself up in his room can be interpreted as signs that imply his separatist tendencies compiled with fear and trauma. P.K. Nayar in his book Postcolonial literature: An Introduction (2008) states, “When the adopted culture fails to see beyond the ethnic identity of the diasporic/exilic individual then this individual has no choice but to retrieve her/his indigenous culture” (p. 205). Thus Bendang and Chanbi finally decided to leave Delhi and return to their native land. The decision taken by them somewhat hints at their intention to remain confined within the comfort zone of their roots and culture. But such a stand might have a different repercussion as such tendencies on the part of the Northeastern group might well further broaden the gap between the dominant and non-dominant groups leading to the continuation of differences besides being detrimental to dismantling the persistent social prejudices. As Lears points out that subordinate groups may participate in maintaining a symbolic universe, even if it serves to legitimise their domination. In other words, they can share a kind of half-conscious complicity in their own victimization (Lears, 1985, p.573).

 In the final part of the film, we see how the friends ended up cooking ‘axone’ on the terrace amidst nature signifying the fact that nature never discriminates against culture. Love and friendship in particular and human relations, in general, are taken into account to show how this relationship can surpass all other man-made barriers that include our own culture. The friendship of the migrants is a crucial factor in determining their condition in the distant land. Making homoethnic friends, like the ethnic food, compensate for the migrants feeling of missing home (Akhtar, 2011, p. 86). The shared experiences of the migrants in a foreign land bring them together to create a symbolic world where they can feel comfortable. The sense of camaraderie binds the northeast migrants together. Besides, such friendship is not without rivalry but when threatened by the outside force they unite and stand together to overcome the discrimination. Like the homoethnic friendship, heteroethnic friendships develop amongst the migrant groups. Heteroethnic friendship, as Salman Akhtar (2011) puts it, can be divided into two categories- the first one with people who are migrants themselves and the second one with those who are native to the land. In the film, we come across both types of heteroethnic friendships. The first one is evident in the relationship Upasana and Chanbi share with the Black girls. They not only share the same building but share experiences in the acculturation process and go through similar kind of treatment as one situated on the receiving end of racial prejudices that builds connection and form solidarities that embody the genesis of their friendship. The second category of heteroethnic friendship is seen in the relationship the Northeastern group shares with Shiv, who is a Delhiite, which reflects how such a bond can surpass the differences that exist between them. Akhtar’s use of the word ‘native’ comprises not only the original inhabitants of that land but those migrants or immigrants who have assimilated and earned the status of the native. According to Akhtar, most of the heteroethnic friendships are filled with ambivalences because of the mixed feeling they have towards the natives. For instance, the Northeastern group did not like Shiv at first and made weird facial gestures whenever he arrived on the scene. Shiv, on the other hand, made unintentional racial remarks that instigated such hatred towards him. However, Shiv was always there whenever they needed him. He arranged cylinder and cooking space for Upasana and Chanbi, also managed his grandmother who was against cooking any stinky food, and even took Chanbi to the doctor when she got a panic attack. Moreover, Chanbi’s comment that although some are rude, most of them are nice to them, and because of such people they can still live in cities like Delhi, reflects how such mutual love and friendship helped them to tolerate the differences and diversity that exist in multicultural societies. Thus, Akhtar (2011) rightly puts it when he writes about heteroethnic friendships as something that can act as a “bridge to acculturation” (p.91). Apart from these inherent qualities, another way forward is cultural intelligence and tolerance and even learning to respect every culture. Minimum awareness about the diverse culture is the need of the hour that might fill the knowledge gap thereby increasing cultural intelligence. Though cultural intelligence is a concept limited to business, academics, education, and government research, there is a need to adopt the same in a social environment too. How to deal with or behave in a culturally diverse situation effectively is what cultural intelligence means. The concept is more than mere cultural awareness and sensitivity. Cultural learning approaches might help in reducing conflict during intercultural communication:

There is no doubt that one of the most important factors in determining effective communication with members of the host community, and arguably the most central one, is one’s facility to speak their language. (Masgoret and Ward, 2006, p. 62)

An important element of cultural learning theory is language learning; learning the language of the host culture. It helps to establish successful intercultural and interpersonal communication. Bendang’s struggle to learn the Hindi song and failing to do the same is a factor that might have contributed to pushing him into the periphery. Whereas we have other characters who can speak the Hindi language and go along well with others and can even confront the abusers at times when needed to make their stand. For instance, we have Chanbi who confronted the two guys who abused her verbally but Bendang could not even utter a word. Though he has his own traumatic experiences, the language barrier has further broadened the gap. The same kind of cultural intelligence is also seen in Martha, a friend of theirs who married into a Punjabi family. In a conversation with Chanbi and Upasana, while they were complaining about their right to cook their food freely,Martha pointed out how others have the right to not tolerate the smell of the food they don’t feel like.

Nicholas Kharkongor’s Axone, released on Netflix, is indeed a short film that showcases the event in mere ninety minutes but the premise and the ideas it sends through are big.  Axone is a balanced film where Kharkongor, in a non-patronising and non-moralising way has presented the lived reality of people from the Northeastwhose stories have not got much scope to get the audience outside the region. Khargonkor did not restrict himself to Northeastern actors but extended his scope to include the brilliancy of Sayani Gupta, Vinay Pathak, Rohan Joshi, Dolly Ahluwalia, and others. The characters, apart from stripping the hard-biting reality of racism also provide comic relief through their humorous interactions. We live amidst multiculturalism and a globalized world where everyone has experienced such a crisis at some point in time. At a time when the Black Lives Matter slogan has shaken the whole United States of America, Axone portrays that India too suffers from this syndrome causing a systemic defect that needs to be addressed with urgency. Though the study mainly focuses on the migrants from the Northeast, it represents every such migrant group inhabiting culturally different regions and facing these issues. In this short film,we have seen how the Northeasterners are looked down upon and are discriminated against, and often projected as the other but prejudices and ‘othering’ also existamidst their own communities. Awareness about the other cultural groups and removing the deleterious cultural practices like bigotry and biases that we hold towards others will help us to communicate better with others. Cultural intelligence, mutual learning, understanding, and other such approaches along with the humane qualities of love, respect, and tolerance will help establish a healthy relationship that would contribute to making this world a better place to live in.

Declaration of Conflict of Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest.

Funding

No funding has been received for the publication of this article. It is published free of any charge.

References

Akhtar, Salman. (2011). Immigration and Acculturation: Mourning, Adaptation, and the Next Generation. Jason Aranson.

Bajaj, S. (2020, March 21). Racial Taunts: People from Northeast are now called ‘coronavirus’. EastMojo. https://www.eastmojo.com/news/2020/03/21/racial-taunts-people-from-northeast-are-now-called-coronavirus

Baruah, S. (2005). A New Politics of Race: India and its North-east. India International Centre Quarterly, 32(2/3), 163–176. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23006025.

Berry, J.W. (2006). Contexts of acculturation. In David L. Sam &John W. Berry (Eds.), The Cambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology (pp. 27-42). Cambridge University Press.

Bhaba, Homi K. (1994). The Location of Culture. Routledge

Bora, P. (2019). The Problem Without a Name: Comments on Cultural Difference (Racism) in India. South Asia: Journal of South Asia Studies. Routledge 42 (5), 845–860. https://doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2019.1644476.

Chandira, R. (2018) Men See Northeastern Girls as Easy Women: Ngurang Reena. Shethepeople. https://www.shethepeople.tv/news/system-correct-ngurang-reena.

Cornelious, D (2020). Sayani Gupta: Axone Shines a Torch on how Diverse Culture is. The Hindu. 18 June.

Das, A. J. (2020). Hyderabad COVID-19 racism case: 3 accused in police custody. EastMojo. https://www.eastmojo.com/news/2020/04/10/hyderabad-covid-19-racism-case-3-accused-in-police-custody/

Deka, K. (2020). Axone is a Story of Racism Told From the Eyes of the Privileged. The Wire. https://thewire.in/film/axone-movie-review-racism-privilege

Dholabhai, N. (2007). “Delhi “Profiles” to Protect – Booklet for Northeast Students Betrays Prejudices. The Telegraph. [Google Scholar], 9 July.

Guru, G. (2019). Food as a Metaphor for Cultural Hierarchies.In Knowledges Born in the Struggle: Constructing the Epistemologies of the Global South, edited by B. de S. Santos, and M. P. Meneses (pp. 146–161). Routledge.

Huntington, Samuel P. (2011). The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order.    Simon & Schuster.

Kharkongor, Nicholas. (Director). (2019). Axone: A Recipe for Disaster. Yoodlee Films, Saregama India. https://www.netflix.com/title/81144457.

Kikon, D. 2015. Fermenting Modernity: Putting Akhuni on the Nation’s Table in India. South Asia: Journal of South Asia Studies 38 (2), 320–335. doi:https://doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2015.1031936

Kikon, D. (2021). Dirty Food: racism and casteism in India. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 45(2), 278-97.  https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2021.1964558

Khobragade, V. (2009). Political Dysfunctionalism: The Problem of Nation Building in India.The Indian Journal of Political Science, 70(4), 993–1006. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42744015.

 Lears,T.J.J. (1985). The Concept of Cultural Hegemony: Problems and Possibilities. The American Historical Review, 90(3), 567–593. https://doi.org/10.2307/1860957

Liebkind, K. (2006). Ethnic identity and acculturation. In David L. Sam and John W. Berry (Ed.), The Cambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology (pp. 78-97). Cambridge University Press.

McDuie-Ra, D. (2012). The “North-East” Map of Delhi. Economic and Political Weekly, 47(30), 69–77. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23251770

Masgoret, Anne-Marie, and Colleen Ward. (2006). Cultural Learning Approach to AccPsychology (n David L. Sam and John W. Berry (Ed.), The Cambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology (pp.58-78). Cambridge University Press.

Nayar, P. K. (2008). Postcolonial Literature: An Introduction.  Pearson Education.

Pant, M. (2020, January 30). That Mongoloid face: Nido Tania’s death and 6 years later. EastMojo. https://www.eastmojo.com/news/2020/01/30/that-mongoloid-face-nido-tanias-death-and-6-years-later/

Sam, D. L. (2006). Acculturation: conceptual background and core components. In David L. Sam and John W. Berry (Eds.), The CaWeedon Handbook of Acculturation Psychology (pp. 11-27).  Cambridge University Press.

Weedon, C. (2004). Identity and Culture Narratives of Difference and Belongingness (Issues in Culture and Media Studies), Open University Press.

Werbner, P. (2015). Introduction: The Dialectics of Cultural Hybridity. In Pnina Werbner and Tariq Madood (Ed.), Debating cultural Hybridity Multicultural Identities and the Politics Of Anti-Racism (pp. 1-29). Zed Books Ltd.

Munmi Bora is a PhD research scholar in the Department of Foreign Languages, Gauhati University, Assam. Her research interests include cultural studies, Northeast literature and Francophone literature.

Formulaic Language and Style of Turkic Zhyrau of the 15-18th Centuries

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Kairat Zhanabayev1, Karakat Nagymzhanova2, Nursulu Shaimerdenova3, Ayzhan Turgenbaeva4 & Nazerke Tleubayeva1

1Department of Publishing, Editing and Design Arts, Al-Farabi Kazakh National University, Almaty, Republic of Kazakhstan. Email: zhanabayev@nuos.pro

2Department of Pedagogy and Psychology, Turan-Astana University, Nur-Sultan, Republic of Kazakhstan

3Department of Russian and Foreign Literature, Al-Farabi Kazakh National University, Almaty, Republic of Kazakhstan

4Department of Religious Studies and Cultural Studies, Al-Farabi Kazakh National University, Almaty, Republic of Kazakhstan.

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022, Pages  https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.25

First published: June 26, 2022 | Area: Aesthetic Studies | License: CC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under Volume 14, Number 2, 2022)
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Abstract

The article reveals the importance of studying the formulaic style in the oral epic culture of Kazakh (Turkic) zhyrau of the 15-18th centuries. The purpose of the article is to identify the specificity of the formulaic language and the style of the epic tradition of these singers, as well as to show the degree of their knowledge, based on the principles of oral theory by M. Parry and A. Lord and their followers. Zhyrau are singers of the times of the Golden Horde and the foundation of the Kazakh Khanate. In the analysis of the ancient forms of their epic thinking; the genesis of genres, principles of performance and transmission of tradition, formulaic style plays a major role. The method of discourse analysis, system review, referencing, comparative analysis, and the methods of previous researchers were applied in the study. The novelty is that the formulaic style was first studied on the oral material of the zhyrau dated the 15-18th centuries, where stable units are represented by a formula – the basis of the epic style and an important means of the singer’s oral-style technique. The theoretical significance of the article and its relevance, is based on a broad discussion of oral theory, and at the same time on its effectiveness and efficiency in studying the Kazakh (Turkic) epic tradition. The practical value of the research gives its results in the analysis of language and style, the distinction of styles and genres of zhyrau from other bearers of Turkic poetic culture. The Parry-Lord formulaic grammar can be applied both for the study of Turkic languages and to the quality of artistic translation.

Keywords: Parry-Lord’s oral theory, Turk epic, zhyrau, tolgau, oral technique, individual creativity.

Introduction

Within the framework of the present project, the authors have prepared several theoretical works of value for Kazakh (Turkic) epic studies and modern folkloristics. The authors of the paper also consider that the study of the oral tradition of nomads in Central Asia, the North Caucasus and South Siberia is a significant contribution to the science of folklore and mythology of the East since the culture of the Kazakh (Turkic) culture nomads are not only specific and unique as a special type of equestrian-nomadic civilization, but also have deep ties with the richest oral folklore of ancient and medieval Europe, Asia and Africa (Nurgali, 2013; Zhakupov et al., 2020). With a long history of studying the language and style of Kazakh (Turkic) zhyrau from the 15-18th centuries and comparative epic studies, the authors of the article drew attention to the high productivity of oral theory, two American researchers – M. Parry (1932) and A.B. Lord (1964). In our country, this theory is presented in detail by the monograph published in 1986 by Harvard University professor A.B. Lord (1964) “The Singer of Tales”. It, as noted in the Introduction, “contains ideas important for the study of epic traditions, including Oriental ones” reference. The authors of the oral theory gave a special role to “the technique of oral performance of the epos” – the source of the formulaic style” the link.

Although traditionality and stereotyping in folklore and epic genres have been mentioned before by American scholars, they have a valuable idea that explains this stereotype (sustainability of forms) not only as a feature of traditional style but as a powerful principle of the artists’ creativity. This principle is a formulaic style or formulaic grammar. The effectiveness, efficiency, and perspective of the oral theory are particularly evident in the study of Turkic monuments, whose language is perfectly structured, free from external influences, and characterized by great richness and variety of poetic forms.

Research into the language’s formulaicity and style in recent years has also unexpectedly revealed the fundamental role of formulaic grammar in poetic translation. Especially when it concerns the ancient Kazakh poems, the oral text of the medieval nomadic judge and speaker (Kazakh biy), the ancient runic inscriptions of the VIII centuries of Turkic Haganat, where there is no influence of other languages and religions yet, and therefore of exceptional interest both in terms of their pure form and in their unique content and the prospect of reconstruction of their initial bases – the Turkic archaic myth, rite and ritual (Aimukhambet et al., 2017). Criticism is present in several works on Perry-Lord’s oral theory. It mainly dealt with the problems of nationality and authorship, and the theory of formulaic style. However, it was based, as the translators of “The Singer of Tales” note, on the special author’s terminology, which, in our opinion, should have been different from the existing one, as it is about a living tradition, a living process, that is, oral technique, and not a static grammar and epic. Thus in the classical monograph “Origin of Heroic Epic”, analyzing and criticizing all existing basic theories, the famous scientist E.M. Meletinsky (1963), pointed out that A.B. Lord (1964), who followed his teacher and “derives the epic style from the poetic technique of oral creativity, does not doubt the mythological origin of the contents of epic formulae”. And that’s very revealing because the oldest epic formulas are the ones that lead us to myth, rite, and ritual. And this theory of Lord is most vividly demonstrated by the oral-style poetic technique of nomads of Central Asia, South Siberia, North Caucasus and Crimea…Full-Text PDF

Identity in Consumption: Reading Food and Intersectionality in Anita Desai’s Fasting, Feasting

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Nayana George1 & Arya Parakkate Vijayaraghavan2

1Research Scholar, Department of English and Cultural Studies, Christ University, Bengaluru, India. Email: nayanageorge295@gmail.com/ nayana.george@res.christuniversity.in, ORCID ID: 0000-0003-0002-5024

2Assistant Professor, Department of English and Cultural Studies, Christ University, Bengaluru, India. Email: aryavijayaraghavan@gmail.com/ arya.pv@christuniversity.in, ORCID ID: 0000-0001-9682-6074

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022, Pages  https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.20

First published: June 26, 2022 | Area: Gender Studies | License: CC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under Volume 14, Number 2, 2022)
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 Abstract

With the resurging interest in Food Studies, this rapidly emerging field of study has seen multiple disciplines adding in their distinct flavours that truly make this an area to savour. Literary food studies, in particular, has become a relevant field of study with the understanding that food in literature always plays a symbolic role, as food in literature is never depicted for the sustenance of the literary characters. This paper seeks to explore the novel Fasting, Feasting (1999) by Anita Desai through the lens of food and foodways to explicate how the characters interact with the culinary arena, and ultimately, interact with each other and themselves. These interactions will serve as crucial insights into their identities, particularly their intersectional gender identities considering the facets of nationality, class, and the like. A special focus will also be rendered on the notion of marginalisation seen in the text, of which gender is a crucial deciding factor. The title of the novel hints at consumption—at both its presence and absence—which will prove as the gateway to the interactions of the characters with food in the novel to examine who it is that gets to feast while who are forced to starve.

Keywords: literary food studies, food in literature, gender, intersectionality

1. Introduction

Anita Desai’s Fasting, Feasting (1999) has been the subject of immense critical inquiry due to the varied themes that Desai explores in the novel. The text is a fertile ground wherein discourses regarding the diasporic concerns of alienation and belonging (Amo, 2016, p. 138), gender (Choubey, 2004; Volná, 2005), the psychological insights into the oppressed central characters (Narayan & Mee, 2003, p. 227)—an aspect reflected in Desai’s other works as well and is often considered reminiscent of Virginia Woolf’s literary oeuvre (Kanwar, 1991)—and the like, thrive and flourish.

The foray of food studies into literary studies has invited more nuanced introspections into Desai’s text through the lens of food. Its multidisciplinary background lends to innovative analyses that add to the existing critical literature surrounding this crucial contribution to world literature. One such notable work is the conception of viewing the material culture depicted in the novel as politically charged, a perception that is primarily shaped by post coloniality and post liberalism (Wiegandt, 2019). These “post” conceptions have further invited migration and transnationalism. It is here that studies on food and its associated practices can “make a significant contribution not just to the anthropology of food, but also to our understanding of the ways in which the globalized movement of people, objects, narratives and ideas is experienced and negotiated” (Abbots, 2016, p. 115). Food is “endlessly meaningful,” writes Carole Counihan (1999, p. 6), for among its many other functions, it also serves as a marker of ethnic identity (Counihan, 2004; Vallianatos & Raine, 2008, p. 365). The multiplicity of identities takes on intricate nuances due to intersectionality in the globalised contemporary world. Initially, the term “intersectionality,” introduced by Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw (1989), was primarily related to the issue of race in feminism, especially concerning “the multidimensionality of Black women’s experiences” (p. 140). During the third wave of feminism, the term has developed to give rise to a subjectivity influenced by race, gender, class, sexuality, and more such classifiers (Cooper, 2016, p. 391; Nash, 2008, p. 2).

This subjectivity is visible in the chosen text’s food practices which “form the material nexus of class, gender, and political distinctions between individual characters and between India and the United States” (Wiegandt, 2019, p. 123). The title of the novel hints at consumption—at both its presence and absence—which will prove as the gateway to the interactions of the characters with food in the novel to examine who it is that gets to feast while who are forced to starve.

2. Feasting and Fasting—the Gender Divide

Rana Dasgupta, in her introduction to Desai’s novel (1999/2008), states that the book is an “excruciating account of how society can seize control of individuals—especially women—through such practices as eating, and remove them from everything they intended to be” (p. viii). Carole Counihan (1998) asserts that there is a “clear significance of food-centered activities and meanings to the constitution of gender relations and identities across cultures” (p. 2). Furthermore, food and food practices are often taken for granted due to their association with women (D’Sylva & Beagan, 2011, p. 280).

Kumkum Sangari (1993) observes that a household’s politics are seemingly dictated according to the degree of access women have to power (p. 871). An instance that demonstrates this fleeting supremacy of the woman over the man in the matters of the kitchen is seen in the exercise of deciding on the meals of the day by “MamaPapa,” the conjoined entity that they are referred to as in the book (Desai, 1999/2008, p. 5). The dining table was a “fertile ground” for “discussion and debate.” However, the narrator observes that “it was impossible not to see that the verdict would be the same as at the outset”—it would be Mama’s suggestions and “no other” (p. 14). Only Mama reserved the right to control the cook in the household. While the family’s economic and social status afforded the family cooks and servants, this exercise shows that it is the mother who is essentially cooking through the kitchen help.

The image of the ideal woman that has been created and perpetuated shows a being that is inferior to the male figure in every way. Pitted against masculinity, femininity is always considered as the weaker counterpart and as a member of “disadvantaged and devalued social categories” (Counihan, 1999, p. 8). While women are often entrusted with providing food for the family, notions of the ideal woman being submissive and sacrificing factors in this scenario present the ideal provider as one who creates and distributes but never consumes what she makes. “Many studies demonstrate that men eat first, best, and most” (Counihan, 1998, p. 2). Class, caste, race, and gender hierarchies are partly maintained and sustained through differential control over food and the varying levels of access to the same (Counihan, 1998, p. 2; 1999, p. 2). The rich distinguish themselves from the poor through food and foodways, and a similar correlation is perceived in the way men are distinguishable from women (Counihan, 1999, p. 8).

Desai’s work provides numerous examples of the way people are treated differently based on their gender identities (Karam, Khan, & Ahmad, 2022). What, how much, and when they can eat are dependent on their gender (Counihan 1999, p. 8). This creates an unequal footing between them as one is clearly favoured over the other in the prevailing heteronormative worldview. In the family that the first part of the novel revolves around, the dominance and supremacy that the father has are clearly exhibited through the way he behaves and how the rest of the family behaves towards him, especially on matters related to food and consumption. While it is the mother who takes decisions regarding the kitchen, as was established before, it can also be seen that the mother merely functions as a puppet that moves along to the father’s whims and fancies.

Additionally, the father’s supremacy is explicitly expressed through how he is considered akin to royalty and is often treated as such. The special attention that he garners is solely because he is a man. According to the norm propagated by the traditional society, the rest of the women have to take it upon themselves as their duty to serve him, regardless of whether they are willing to do so. This can be seen in the way the mother asks the elder daughter Uma to serve some fruit for her father, and she comes to the realisation that she “can no longer pretend to be ignorant of Papa’s needs, of Papa’s ways.” They make a whole ritual of the process of preparing the fruit to be fit for his consumption—wherein each orange segment is painstakingly peeled and rid of the pips—and “everyone waits while he repeats the gesture” of eating the pieces. When the whole process is completed, what remains are the peels and seeds on the mother’s plate and smears of orange juice on the father’s (1999/2008, pp. 23-24). With the depiction of the scene here, it is evident that the father was the only one to eat the fruit. The meals end with a flourishing presentation of “a napkin and a finger bowl” to the father and “he is the only one in the family who is given” these “emblems of his status.” The feeling of grandeur that his meal evokes is further exemplified when the narrator signals the end of the meal with the statement: “the ceremony is over” (p. 24).

The mother is used to being treated as inferior to the men, and she cultivates this idea in the minds of her daughters as well:

In my day, girls in the family were not given sweets, nuts, good things to eat. If something special had been bought in the market, like sweets or nuts, it was given to the boys in the family. (p. 5).

As she recounts this, she adds that her family did not belong to “such an orthodox home” and that her mother and her other female relatives often slipped her some “good things to eat…on the sly” (p. 6). While the mother remembers these situations so fondly, the pleasant feelings here do not take away from the fact that she was forbidden from eating certain food items solely because she was a female. The idea that these women, controllers of the kitchen space in their homes, still had to abide by the rules drawn up by the family’s men and had to hide what they had consumed shows the injustice in this scenario. The perceived notion of feminine control over the domestic space is just that—a false perception far away from reality. Other instances further express this sentiment of a man having control over a female’s eating and consumption patterns and preferences (Counihan, 1999, p. 8). The father disapproves of the mother playing rummy with her friends and eating betel nuts and leaves as he sees them as sinful indulgences that he dislikes. Still, when he indulges himself “in a little whisky and water,” the “little” being an understatement when he goes overboard and becomes an embarrassment in a social gathering, he hardly sees any of it to be his fault. He never deigns to apologise to anyone (pp. 7-10). An interesting alimentary image that makes its appearance numerous times in the novel is that of the glass of lemonade served to the father. The mother frets and worries herself to the extent that it pointedly draws the reader’s attention in the process of her ensuring that the father’s glass of lemonade is always ready for him to drink when he reaches home. It suggests that perhaps the mother had neglected to perform that particular task once and the repercussions were probably not so forgiving. It may be due to this fear that Uma always “decides to say nothing” (p. 12) when it comes to expressing her desire for food (Swarnakala & Kirubakaran, 2021, p. 423).

While she is never free to consume what she wishes nor that she creates, a woman’s self-worth is dependent on her abilities in the culinary space, her culinary prowess, and her ability to manage a kitchen. These are considered to be the only factors that impact her self-esteem, as illustrated through the mother forcing Uma to take credit for all the culinary delights served to the guests to increase her prospects of acceptance by the visiting family in the chances of a marriage match (pp. 75-78). Even the approval from the future family-in-law is expressed through a reference to the tea that she had served; “very nice tea,” says the prospective mother-in-law (p. 78).

However, Uma’s marriage plans do not come to fruition. The multiple failures at being wedded result in her parents giving up on those prospects for her, deigning themselves to an obligated maidservant in the form of their unmarried daughter (Chandel, 2018, p. 33).  This situation provides a glimpse “into the fate of the women who remain single in this society” (Nandan, 2002, p. 171), always remaining bereft of autonomy (Jackson, 2018, p. 168). The younger daughter, Aruna, finds herself even more burdened to succeed where her sister had failed. Hence, she ends up in a marriage upheld merely out of obligation and not by choice.

On the other hand, Arun—the only son of the family—gets a radically different treatment than his sisters as he is greatly favoured over them (Jackson, 2018, p. 164). His mother feels that her status as a wife has been elevated once she birthed a son after numerous failed pregnancies. “What honour, what status. Mama’s chin was lifted a little higher in the air.… She might have been wearing a medal” (Desai, 1999/2008, p. 31). Papa insists on “proper attention” (p. 30) for his son with the assurance of “the best, the most, [and] the highest” (p. 121) for him, not just regarding education, but other needs as well. Papa believes that consuming meat is necessary to develop Arun’s strength (Poon, 2006, pp. 35–37).  This reflects Counihan’s (1998) assertion that “food symbolically connote maleness and femaleness and establish the social value of men and women” (p. 2). This notion is also seen in “the practical philosophy of the male body as a sort of power, big and strong, with enormous, imperative, brutal needs…asserted in every male posture, especially when eating,” thereby functioning as “the principle of the division of foods between the sexes, a division which both sexes recognize in their practices and their language” (Bourdieu, 1979/2013, p. 35). However, all this attention works to culminate in the opposite of the desired effect in Arun, for he ends up burdened by expectations and scrutiny, and instead yearns for freedom. Moreover, ironically enough, the force-feeding of meat causes his body to unconsciously reject it entirely, and hence he relies solely on vegetarian food for his sustenance.

3. Beyond Boundaries—the Transnational Experience

In the second part of the book, Arun is in the USA, where the culture is very different from India. What remains almost constant is perhaps the gendered differential treatment of food. Arun stays as a guest with the Pattons, a seemingly conventional white American family. Mr. Patton cooks in the stereotypical overtly masculine way by cooking an enormous amount of meat out in the patio, for it “is a man’s thing” (Parasecoli, 2005/2013, p. 292). Arun is highly displeased with it, as evidenced by the choice of words that he uses to describe it— the “pervasive odour” of “raw meat being charred over the fire” (Desai, 1999/2008, p. 166), and the images of “grease and blood” (p. 169) — all of which are far from appetising thoughts.

Mrs. Patton, on the other hand, uses Arun as a crutch; she hides behind the excuse of Arun’s vegetarianism to avoid eating meat herself. Her domineering husband ignores her constant expressions, both verbal and otherwise, of being disgusted by meat. The choice of food is taken away from the woman in this situation and it is the man who decides for her. She is rendered insignificant in her household which she is supposed to run, and seen as suffering from “emotional and spiritual starvation” (Jain, 2014, p. 24). Arun sees a reflection of his mother in Mrs. Patton and her “bright plastic copy of a mother-smile…that is tight at the corners with pressure, the pressure to perform a role” (Desai, 1999/2008, p. 198).  This realisation is at once comforting and disturbing for Arun—the former for it serves as a reminder of home (Jackson, 2018, p. 168). The latter is due to the feelings of entrapment and stagnation that he associates with his family in India. Mrs. Patton experiences the same emotions within her own family (Jain, 2014, p. 24). “Mrs Patton is afraid, defeated, and no less a prisoner in her own home than Uma” (Desai, 1999/2008, introduction by Dasgupta, p. x). Even the Pattons’ daughter, Melanie, is adversely affected by the tensions in the family. Her mental afflictions result in her suffering from eating disorders, which hint at her need for some semblance of control in her turbulent life (O’Connor, 2013, p. 32). Her food consumption is seemingly the only aspect of her life that she can direct. Consequently, her eating disorders and hostile behaviour are cries for help that are constantly left unheard and ignored.

The idea of gender identity accompanies sexuality and how its perception has evolved and been rediscovered. Food and sex are seen to be “metaphorically overlapping” (Counihan, 1999, p. 9) as they are multisensorial experiences that excite similar responses within the body. By exploring the role that food plays in “enabling antinormative relationships to emerge within the sexualized, gendered, and classed domestic space,” Anita Mannur (2010) argues that “the relationship between food and queerness challenges the apparently seamless links between food, home, nation, and (hetero) sexuality.” And hence, “the culinary functions as a site of cultural negotiation: both disciplining subjects into gendered roles and buttressing an alternative rendering of sexuality and gendered performance that cannot be contained by the structures of heterosexual patriarchy” (p. 20).

Desai puts forth the contrast between the gender identities of Arun and the two father figures that he encounters: his father in India and Mr. Patton in the US. Arun is a vegetarian not under religious restrictions but by his own volition. This choice is a concept that neither of the older men can fathom. Arun’s father finds his decision to be “baffling,” for he considers vegetarian men as “meek and puny men who had got nowhere in life” (1999/2008, p. 33). Mr. Patton thinks of vegetarianism to be “not natural,” and he finds himself disappointed with “such moral feebleness” (p. 170), for men are supposed to be “the natural meat eaters” (Bourdieu, 1979/2013, p. 35). All these qualities that these men describe are precisely the opposite of those associated with masculinity, and it is to be noted here that they pride themselves on being men who embody the masculine nature. By referring to Arun as weak and frail, they associate him with the notions of being effeminate and subservient solely based on his food choices. While the men never explicitly mention any outright words about Arun’s sexual orientation, they may consider the possibility of him being a homosexual as well. Regardless, the thought of the formative men in his life thinking Arun to be weak indicate that they see him as soft and hence, not masculine in their binary oriented perception. This pushes Arun into a category that is neither here nor there of the narrow heteronormatively constructed gender identities, and into a state of uncertainty and confusion.

“Food consumption,” writes Tulasi Srinivas (2006), is the “narrative of affiliative desire” that affectively recreates social identity groupings for the “cosmopolitan Indian” (p. 193) by simultaneously functioning as a medium of showcasing assimilation as well as resistance to the dominant culture (Mannur, 2010, p. 7). Furthermore, “[t]he domestic arena…becomes a space to reproduce culture and national identity” (p. 30). Or in Arun’s case, it becomes a space for him to resist his old identity and reinvent himself. For Arun, India is a far cry from the central stage of the nostalgic reverie of other literary characters who usually make appearances in diasporic literature. He only sees India as the home of his overbearing parents, and he dreads the very thought of going back. And hence, he willingly suffers through the alienation he experiences at the Pattons’ place due to them reinforcing “the boundaries between Self and Other through appropriation of and emphasis on Arun’s Otherness” (Amo, 2016, p. 133). He would much rather make peace with the USA’s paltry contribution of sandwiches and salads to vegetarians than return to the place that was never his home. He has completely severed himself from the culinary performance of making food and always buys comestibles that are made in outlets by faceless strangers. He is apprehensive of the food that Mrs. Patton prepares for him, for she reminds him of his mother. He prefers the impersonal act of buying food from his college cafeteria instead. Even though Arun hardly pays attention to what he consumes while leading his busy life as a college student and as a part-time worker, his conscious avoidance of everything that may remind him of his life in India indicates his desire to leave that existence behind him. He never learned to cook the kind of food he ate throughout his childhood, and he does not exhibit a desire to do so in the future. He has no qualms in adhering to his new country’s food norms, and while he does not particularly enjoy his stay there, he still considers it much better than his life in India (Desai, 1999/2008, pp. 175-202).

4. The Potpourri of Marginalised Identities

Returning to the first part of the novel, Uma has various interactions with others who shape her life, presenting alternative ways of existence to her enslavement at home, and perhaps, the opportunity to live and experience life vicariously through them. Ramu, her traveling vagabond cousin, always provides her with good memories sprinkled with food, wine, dancing, and laughter (pp. 48-52). Though considered slightly lower than other men due to his club foot, his status as a man in society still grants him the sanction to be Uma’s protector on the short trips that they take. However, the understanding that Uma’s worth as a non-disabled woman being much lower than a disabled man is an undercurrent in their scenes together.

The gendered perception of life is also seen in the treatment of widows. “The life of the Hindu widow has always been the dark side of eating in India,” says Chitrita Banerji in Eating India (2007, p. 142). She writes about her grandmother whose identity as a widow has permeated her life so profoundly that even her eating habits have not been spared. The food that she now consumes indicates her identity as a woman who no longer has the support of her husband. The death of her husband is “traditionally attributed to her misdeeds and unnatural appetites; a common word of abuse in rural Bengal translates as ‘husband-eater’” (p. 142). A widow is considered guilty of “the sin of survival” (p. 142), and her presence is thought of as a bad omen. As punishment for her existence, she is forced into permanently giving up many food items and developing a culinary palate that is as bland and bleak as her life as a widow is supposed to be, even going so far as to be kept away from cooking in the kitchen during the occasions of feats and festivals (Lamb, 2000, p. 213-217; Patgiri, 2022, p. 152). The want for food beyond the measure of mere sustenance is seen as a reflection of lust and desire, and hence, abstinence from all pleasure is wielded as a way to control sensual desires. And a way of ensuring this control is seen in the way that some widows are only allowed one meal a day, leaving them in a state of almost fasting (Lamb, 2000, p. 213-217). As anticipated, only the desires of women need to be curbed, for there are no such restrictions for a widower to follow (Ahmed-Ghosh, 2009). Mira is Uma’s aunt who ascribes to the forced asceticism due to her status as a widow. She embraces religious devotion to escape from the marginalisation accompanying her status (Jain, 2014, p. 25). Uma, perhaps rebelliously enough, associates her aunt with her decadent ghee laden laddoos that she painstakingly prepares (Desai, 1999/2008, p. 38)—an exercise of Mira’s choice—instead of the forced austerity of widowhood.

Anamika, Uma’s cousin, is yet another victim of a forced social practice. Her marriage at the expense of her scholarship to Oxford is filled with trauma and physical abuse at the hands of her husband and her mother-in-law (p. 67-72). All she is reduced to now is a harried servant who cooks and cleans at her marriage home, relegated to days of service after her worth is tarnished beyond relief after a miscarriage brought about at the hands of her husband leaves her to identify as “damaged goods” (p. 72). In one stroke, all that she had achieved in life is disregarded, and her identity is solely defined based on her trauma.

5. Conclusion

The characters’ experiences “illustrate the interplay of individual and collective identity, the consequences of identification, and the magnitude of the historical themes that everyday situations may evoke” (Jenkins, 2008, p. 4). Desai initially seems to posit a gender-centric classification to the characters by drawing a defining line between the subservient female and the privileged male. However, the delicate nuances of identity come into play on further introspection, where the “differential control over and access to food” exhibits the various societal hierarchies (Counihan, 1999, p. 8). The evaluation of the characters’ lives and experiences gets flavoured by aspects such as their nationality, class, and notions of marginalisation. On viewing the text through the lens of food, the characters exhibit their various characteristics in their interactions with food. Additionally, food also serves as a medium that highlights the relationships among the characters—of kinship and otherwise—and ultimately, shapes and moulds their individual and collective identities. A more holistic view towards the characters invites the appreciation of the richness of Desai’s story world as being a true reflection of the real world.

The title of the novel is often thought to convey significant meaning as well, at first glance seemingly referring to the geographical backgrounds of the two parts of the novel— “fasting” associated with the regressive and poverty-stricken India and “feasting,” in turn, representing the dreams, hopes, and plenty in the USA (Amo, 2016, p. 134). However, on careful consideration, the fasting and feasting seen in the context of the characters are “relative and multiple at the same time” (Volná, 2005, p. 2). Each character experiences fasting and feasting in their separate ways with their experiences, thoughts, and memories creating bespoke blends that influence their identities—in how they perceive themselves, in the projection of their identities, and in the way, others perceive their identities.

Declaration of Conflict of Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest.

Funding

No funding has been received for the publication of this article. It is published free of any charge.

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Nayana George is a Research Scholar at the Department of English and Cultural Studies, Christ University, Bengaluru, India. She is currently invested in the areas of literary food studies and South Asian narratives for her doctoral research.

Dr Arya Parakkate Vijayaraghavan is an Assistant Professor in English and Cultural Studies at Christ University, Bangalore, India. Her areas of research include Gender and Intersections, Food and Identity Discourse, Memory studies, Cultural Studies, Education and Curriculum Development. She was awarded her MPhil and PhD from The English and Foreign Language University, Hyderabad. She is particularly interested in understanding how the experience of the pandemic has shaped the practices of everyday life. Some of her recent works were published in various Scopus-indexed journals like Society (Springer Science), Smart Learning Environment (Springer Open), Journal of Computers in Education (Springer Nature), and Journal of English as an International Language (ELE Publications) among others.

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