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Indigenous Ontology in Zo Oral Narratives: A Study of the Zo Indigenous Cosmovision

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Kimthianvak Vaiphei
Department of English, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong, Meghalaya. ORCID: 0000-0002-4363-771X. Email: kimthianvakvaiphei@gmail.com

Rupktha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022, Pages: 1-10. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne17

First published: June 24, 2022 | AreaNortheast India | LicenseCC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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Abstract

This paper is an exploration of Indigenous ontologies and ways of thinking and worldview that deviates from the Eurocentric critical frameworks that often insufficiently portray or interpret the nature of specific indigenous cultures and native epistemology. The focal point of this study is to explore the indigenous ontology and knowledge found in the folktales and oral narratives of the Zo tribes of Southern Manipur. The Zo’s geo-political state of existence has been in a muddle since colonial times. The territorial demarcation that was done for administrative purposes had caused permanent displacement and obscurity of the Zo Indigenous identity. Colonial ethnographical records that have been perceived as infallible evidences, fall short of impartial facts and accounts. The series of under and misrepresentation of their socio-cultural and political history has narrowed the general interest and scope for the discursive study of Zo indigeneity, whose relevance to the modern world is only confined to their conflict-ridden state of political affairs. Therefore, this study will be carried out in the hope of decolonising and re-aligning the ‘Zo-ness’ through the exploration of the lesser-known indigenous ways of knowledge, philosophies, and worldview found in the reservoir of their oral literature. Zo orality is accentuated by certain indigenous concepts and philosophies that find expression in proverbs, aphorisms, allegorical tales, customary laws, rituals and the folksongs. The paper argues that these concepts are not adequately represented by ethnocentric appreciation, but are elements of indigeneity that deserve specialized set of conceptual introspections

Keywords: indigenous ontology, Zo, folklore, decolonising          

The recent decades have witnessed an emerging consciousness of concerns related to the preservation of indigenous rights in the geo-political sphere, where the scientific world’s perpetual onward movement has frequently been challenged to accommodate and prioritise the maintenance of harmony in man’s relationship with the environment. From such perspectives, this prospective rekindling of the two worlds further opens different pathways for deeper explorations into the very essence of the relationship itself that can be justly appreciated by the indigenous theories of knowledge and pedagogy. Indigeneity is known to be rooted in the land and the ecological realm. It is also tied to the entity of identity that is inextricably linked to worldviews that provide meaning to one’s existence and purpose in the entire cosmos. Indigenous ontology explores the system of indigenous knowledge that shapes the indigenous identity and consciousness and provides a more authentic understanding of the essence of a people unaltered by secular analyses, while also discovering more intricate worlds, abundantly rich in conceptual systems and ideologies that question the validity of terms such as ‘savage’ and ‘uncivilized’ as sensational descriptors of the indigenous population.

To accurately describe the geo-political identity of the Zo people continues to be a challenge considering their lack of definite territorial and political representation if one needs to be extremely attentive to the detail with respect to diaspora. The early Zos lived in the contiguous land areas between Burma and India. Now collectively inhabiting mainly the Northeast Indian state of Manipur, they are a people who have been subjected to the dispersal of their homeland by colonial remapping and territorial demarcation. The Zos can be better described as an ethnic group comprised of tribes variously known as the ‘Chins’, ‘Kukis’ or ‘Zomis’. The Kuki-Chin-Mizos, in addition to sharing common ethnic history and sociological foundations, also share mutually intelligible languages that are recognised under the Sino-Tibetan linguistic family that includes Vaiphei, Paite, Simte, Thadou, Gangte, Hmar, Zou and Lushai – spoken at large by the inhabitants of present-day Mizoram. The Zomi languages are spoken by a section of people in India and Burma. While tracing the Zo identity as a representative of a well-defined territorial boundary, it may prove to be futile and cumbersome. However, a cultural unity recollected in the form of shared ethos, folklore, language, and tradition may appear to be a more reliable source for extensive study. Khup Za Go (2008) in the prologue to Zo Chronicles addresses the arbitrariness of political boundaries in Zo ethnic studies:

Until quite recent times, the political frontiers of the Ava kings of Myanmar and that of Manipur kept shifting according to the changing fortunes of these native imperialist principalities. But the deeper cultural boundary of the Zo tribe had remained relatively resistant to the erratic political climate outside its own cultural world. (Go 2008, p. 15)

The persistence of an abstract unity marks Zo ethnic spaces as a culturally contiguous area that must be comparatively analysed with the metaphysical forces of orality. This orality in Zo culture is manifested in the form of folktales, folksongs, aphorisms, and social and religious beliefs that align their moral compass with that of their worldview; a perspective that can be better comprehended by an exploration of the Zo cosmovision that can foster a deeper understanding of the Zo indigenous ontology. Indigenous hermeneutics becomes the most viable method of understanding the Zo indigeneity in accordance with the cultural specifications that such a study demands. It is a step towards achieving a more accurate understanding of Indigenous concepts that closely follows the original intent behind the oral narratives. Indigenous hermeneutics, especially has gained fresh momentum all across, especially in the global south.  Leanne B. Simpson’s Dancing on our Turtles Back (2011) heralds a call for indigenous retrospection, concepts such as Samir Amin’s ‘decolonisation’, Arturo Escobar’s exploration of the ‘Pluriverse’ and Mignolo’s ‘delinking’ and idealisation of cultural and cerebral decolonisation provide a way out from our dependence on the buoyancy of Ethnocentricism. A theoretical shift in perspective from a centralised one towards a subjective, culture-centric focus can allow a more justified interpretation and a better understanding of an indigenous people’s connection with the world around and beyond them. Although Indigenous ontology is often linked to relations with land and its tangible resources, its allegiance may not necessarily be thus limited, where connections can be possibly made to the radical changes in indigenous experiences such as dislocation, colonialization, violence and dispossession. Sarah de Leeuw gives an example of the apprehension of Indigenous children through the child-welfare system in British Columbia, Canada, and questions how a romanticized relation between Indigeneity and land relates to assessments of Indigenous families and parenting within child-welfare institutions and policies (Cameron, Leeuw and Desbiens, 2014, p. 23 ). This observation allows a relational ontological exploration which might appear more appropriate in the study of Zo ethnic dislocation as an area for discursive study, where traditional approaches of Indigeneity strictly affiliated to the backdrop of a defined geographical premise may not be accurate or viable. However, addressing the dislocation of Zo indigenous identity can begin with exploring its innate ontological systems that speak of a distinct collective experience in an attempt towards unification by relocating their cultural mores.

There are collections of folktales shared amongst the Zo ethnic groups that echo common sentiments; mere reiterations of the same tales with minute variations that generically incline towards an articulation of a common cultural ethos. There are tales of the popular comic hero known by many names such as Chhura (Mizo), Sura (Hmar), Benglam (Vaiphei), Venglam (Paite); the ephemeral but enduring love story of Khupting leh Ngambawm; the emblematic tale of kindness and familial love shared between the brother Thanghou and Liandou and the extraordinary feats of Galngam, the epic hero; to name a few. These are tales that hold a favourable position in the Zo collective memory. There are also a variety of folksongs — songs in celebration of love, marriage, harvest, and funerals that hint at particular patterns of the metaphysics behind Zo socio-religious structure, and certain aphorisms that are definitive of their social morale and indigenous identity. To understand the essence of these folktales and oral narratives, it is necessary to delve into the nature of Zo indigenous ontology; in order to navigate the location of such concepts that are constructed behind the oral narratives within the Zo cosmovision.

Understanding Zo indigenous ontology requires an exploration of their system of religion as a source that explains the nature of their being and existence. It is a step into the world of Zo indigenous consciousness; an exploration of the pluriversal terrain of beliefs, myths, and legends and also within the religious structure that accommodates diversity in the concept of God. Animism as a common religion among tribal societies is not a new observation and is in fact, inarguably common to most Indian tribal communities prior to mass conversion. First competently surveyed by Sir Edward Burnett Tylor in Primitive Culture (1871), Animism is the ancient belief in the presence of a spiritual aspect in all living and non-living things. Encyclopaedia Britannica defines it as a “belief in innumerable spiritual beings concerned with human affairs and capable of helping or harming human interests.” (Kerlin, 2020). It can be perceived as the most natural and authentic form of religion that ever existed in the history of cultural evolution. Zo indigenous religion is another form of animism where the concept of ‘soul’ is attributed to the natural environment. Dr. Ram Nath Sharma enlists two basic principles on which the belief is based; that “there are powerful souls besides powerful gods. The souls are connected with men and feel pleasure and pain through them. They influence the events in this world and also control them.” And that “the soul of man survives even after death.” (Sharma 1981, p.160). The Zo religious structure fulfills these two principles with the presence of a polytheistic system of belief in the power of not one but of various gods and spirits that influence the entire cosmic order, and also in the ephemeral nature of the human body that is survived by the soul after death.

Zo Cosmovision

Delving into the universe of Zo cosmology is a step towards comprehending the position of mankind according to the early Zo’s consciousness, and to recognise that fear was the driving force behind the ideas for law, order and morality. This fear was essentially directed towards the divine forces that had been established as the epicentre that pulled the gravity of the entire Zo cosmic order. Deification in Zo cosmovision consists of duality in order that it corresponds to the duality of light and darkness. The universe, according to Zo concept is comprised of three realms; the realm beyond the sky where the heavens lay, the realm of land above the ground and the realm of the underworld. Singkhawkai in his book Zo People and their Culture (2008) mentions the Tedim terms for these realms as Vantung, Leitung and Leinuai respectively (Van-sky, tung– above, lei– land, and nuai- below).  Khuavak and khuazing are Tedim terms denoting light and darkness; khua means society or human civilization, vak means light and zing, darkness. The Tedim language, one of the Zomi languages is spoken in the Chin state of Myanmar. It is also spoken in the Indian states of Assam, Manipur and Mizoram. With over 189,000 speakers in 1990 in Burma and about 155,000 in India, the language is also known as Hai-Dim, Tiddim, Zomi or Tedim Chin (“Tedim”). Tedim language is widely used as the foundational source of knowledge in Zomi Ethnic studies owing to Pau Cin Hau’s development of the lopographical Tedim script, also known as the Tual Lai script (local script), however, tedim is now written in the Latin alphabet (Tedim .n.d). Khua holds a more elaborate concept that is not limited to signifying human settlement; it also has connotations of weather or climatic conditions where khuapha would mean good weather and khuasia, bad weather. ‘Khua’ is a versatile concept which is also connected to the spiritual world, where the word is attached to the identity of their deities.  Khuazing is a Tedim term to address the god of earth, or “the controller of earthly things” and as zing is a term for darkness, or the state of being free of light to induce sight, he is also known as the god of invisibility (Zo People and their Culture 106). In Mizo folklore, Khuazing is attributed with a female persona and is called Khuazingnu or Khuanu where the suffix nu denotes the feminine gender with motherly attributes. With the coming of the Christian religion, the concept of Khuazing may have been compressed into the Lushai word Pathian to denote the Christian God. Singkhawkai records that Khuazing is believed to be more benevolent than its counterpart, Khuasia which is a deified concept of ‘bad weather. The anthropological records of Carey and Tuck report that the idea of a Supreme Being was non-existent in Zo societies; that their world was infested by these deities and spirits that did not necessarily provide them with good luck or salvation but constantly needed to be propitiated through offerings and sacrifices (Carey and Tuck 196). However, Cary and Tuck’s observations fall short of a closer interpretation of the concept of Zo religion; of the exact object and nature of worship. Although the idea of veneration for a singular deity may have been absent, there was an allegiance towards an ethical force that assumed the role of a benefactor and protector— the spiritual energy called Sha that manifests itself as a moral and superhuman force that resembles the Christian ‘Spirit’. This force is also connected to their concept of ancestor worship portrayed in the rites of sacrifice to the spirit of the ancestor Pu-Sha or Pa-Sha (Singkhawkai 1995, p. 121). Further, attaching their identity to that of their progenitor ‘Zo’ is an extension of ancestral worship. In The Mountain of God, Quartich Wales has also conjectured on the possibility of linking Zo as a celestial ancestor who was transferred to the sky and identified with some star in the circumpolar region (Wales 1953, p. 40).

What is also peculiar about the Zo system of knowledge is their manner of engagement with the internal world of imagination to carve out a distinct identity and source of creativity. Having been nomadic tribes, the idea of territorial expansion was never much of a priority. Logic was more governed by the internal, psychic forces that predominantly revolved around memories and dreams than by sensory articulations of external structures. Dreams have been an influential part of Zo society, whose significance has seeped into colloquial uses in everyday speech. Dreams were regarded as prophetic revelations of the future course of events (Singkhawkai 1995, p.123). The term “mangpha” or “mangtha”, which translates to “may you have a good dream”, is used as a gesture of goodwill; of wishing someone a good night or farewell. Further, what bound the communities together throughout history was a unity in their oral tradition and this orality is what signified their identity and vice versa. G.N Devy (2002) attributes this to the aspect of tribal creativity that is more attuned to sensory memory; which explains the tribal’s need to indulge in ancestor worship (p. 6). In connection to Devy’s observation, there are pieces of evidence of the Zos being innately connected to spirituality within a contiguous time frame; the living was never completely detached from the dead, thus, causing them to believe in the temporality of death. Death is treated merely as a transitional phase that the spirit of a living man passes through to arrive at the mystical world of the spirits. Even in death, a man’s connection to the spirit of the deceased was not absolved if the cause of death was an unnatural one; for instance, if the victim had been murdered. In such cases, the soul of the deceased who had been murdered would continue to haunt his relatives and would not find peace until he had been avenged.

Man as a Spiritual Being

Singkhawkai in his book, Zo People and their Culture provides a detailed elucidation on the ontological concepts of the Tedim terms hin’na denoting the noun ‘life’, Tha or Kha or the ‘spirit’ and the Si-kha for spirit of the dead (where the prefix Si denotes ‘dead’) (Singkhawkai 125-126). There is, however, a difference between the spirit of the dead (Si-kha) and the spirit of man which in Sihzang and Khuano dialects is called Ci-Tha, where the prefix Ci denotes the physical body of the worldly man. This perspective points to a duality in the spirituality of man where both entities dwell in different realms. While the Ci-tha or the spirit of man is constantly in need if an attachment to a living source:

It is the force that keeps once alive and well. K’la (‘tha’) comes from a previous existence to inhabit the body at the time of birth and departs into a new existence at death; so also it leaves the body for brief periods and at frequent intervals, as during sleep… Whenever Tha goes out of his body, the man suffers bodily illness and when it re-enters, he is well again… the life and death of man are virtually determined by the life and death of his spirit” (Singkhawkai 1995, p.126-127).   

Si-kha on the other hand, represents the immortal ‘soul’ of man that detaches itself from the time of death and proceeds to dwell in the afterlife of Mithikhua or the ‘land of the dead’. The mythscape of Mithikhua is the abode where the spirits of the dead manifest their lives that have been lived in the physical world; a continuation of their lives on earth:

… he would drink and eat; he would grow and marry there, and so on. So the life of man after death is conjectured as the continuation of the worldly life in the other realm. Whether a man is honest or dishonest is of no consequence in the next world… In his life after death, one is still what he has been in his human life. (Singkhawkai 1995, p. 131).

This concept of man’s spirituality and the afterlife is encapsulated in the tale of Khupting leh Ngambawm:

Thuaiting leh Ngambawm

Theirs was a story of forbidden love due to class conflicts between their families, even though they were betrothed before their birth, for their mothers had declared it as a promise to each other as good friends. As they grew older, Thuaiting’s family refused to carry on with the pledge as Ngambawm’s economic condition began to degrade after the death of his father, and Thuaiting’s family resented him for not being able to afford the minimum customary requirement of bringing Zu or rice beer for his marriage proposal. The lovers eloped and married, but were separated by Thuaiting’s parents when they returned. Desperate for his beloved, Ngambawm resorted to the practice of the occult to achieve his ends; taking a strand of hair from Thuaiting’s head which he bound around a clay figurine, and placing it on the banks of the Ngajam river. This made Thuaiting gravely ill, compelling her family to announce a reward for her hand in marriage to anyone who succeeded in curing her. Ngambawm took this opportunity to win the favour of Thuaiting’s family and replaced the strand of hair back on her head, curing her of her illness. But his endeavour proved unfruitful, for her parents still refused him. He placed the figurine with the strand of Thuaiting’s hair wrapped around it once again on the banks of the Ngajam; however, this time, the figurine was washed away by the pouring rain, which ended her life.  Distraught and grief-stricken, Ngambawm followed a jackal who led him to Thuaiting’s spirit in the land of Mithikhua or the land of the dead. His spirit was broken when he learned that the soul of the living and the dead could never merge there and he had to die to truly be united with his wife. On Thuaiting’s request, Ngambawm returned home and made preparations for his death. He arranged a feast of the finest meat as a token of farewell, hung a spear above his bed, and waited in silence. A restless fowl flew into his room and stepped on the spear that hung above him, which pierced his heart and ended his life. And thus, Ngambawm  could finally reunite with his beloved wife in Mithikhua. (Vaiphei 2015, p. 66-72 )

In the tale, the two lovers are able to proceed with their love affair in the land of death as spiritual beings. Moreover, Thuaiting’s cause of illness and eventual death was because Ngambawm had taken a strand of her hair; a part of her natural body that was attached to her living spirit. Her health and life were thus, carried away by the river (Singkhawkai 1995, p. 129).

The spiritual realm occupied an integral part in Zo culture considering that the well-being of the spirit determined the condition of the human body. Man’s life could last only as long as his spirit willed it so. The strength of the man mirrored the strength of the spirit and its significance superseded the former. Singkhawkai explicates this relationship where the Tedim term for death is ‘Kha-Kia’ or ‘fallen spirit’ (Singkhawkai 1995, p. 130). The cycle of life and death, then, revolved around the supremacy of the spirit where death itself did not merely mean the cessation of life but denoted a spiritual retraction. The spirit was not subjected to extinction but predominantly revolved around and influenced the forces of all things living and natural. This concept elaborates why all the natural occurrences were seen as a result of supernatural intervention. The spiritual realm made a source for their entire system of logical inference. It was both destroyer and deliverer. When it is held responsible for bringing misfortune, it needs, at the same time, appeasement in the form of charms, sacrifices and offerings in order to provide a kind of salvation from suffering. Relating to this intense attachment to the spiritual world, it comes with no surprise that occultism occupied a large space in the myth and urban legends that have persisted in the modern ages. There are myths of Pheisam, a one-legged spirit; Chom-nu, a female supernatural being, one of whose characteristic traits include extremely long, dishevelled hair and feet that face backward and Zomi-sang, a giant who could stride across peaks of hills; the spiritual entities who are mostly responsible for a specific domain.

 There is within this feared practice of the occult called ‘dawi’, a looming dread against a spirit that could be called upon to possess or inhabit the physical body of a person. This was successful after a part of the victim’s belongings, for instance, a lock of hair or a piece of his clothing was offered to the spirit prior to the intended period of infestation, a practice which is to an extent, similar to the Haitian Voudon religion.  This spiritual invasion is generically known as kau-pe, which can simply be translated as the ‘bite of the spirit’. Following this ‘bitten’ phase, the victims were believed to have undergone bouts of intense illness or insanity, gradually degrading to an extremely weakened physical and mental state. This practice is still feared in the modern age and various accounts of such incidents have been known to occur; only that it is now preferable to attribute this to the effect of demonic possession as has been the case with the explanation of most supernatural events post proselytisation.

Concept of Power and the Love of Less

Zo myth strongly upholds the power of the spoken word, particularly in the verbal curse and the magnitude that it carries. A gesture of ill-wishing is not taken lightly, more so if it is delivered by parents as it is believed to have the ability to materialise into real events. Singkhawkai traces the ontological roots of the word ‘curse’ to the Tedim terms ‘Sam-sia’, ‘Ham-sia’ and ‘Tom-lawh’ (Singkhawkai 1995, p.138). In Zo mythology, the efficacy of verbal curses was highly regarded and incorporated in arguments between rivals; verbal dissensions are usually followed by a curse that was intended to befit the folly of the victim. There are numerous folktales that try to explain existential dilemmas as a consequence of the effects of such curses inflicted upon a subject. For instance, in the Chemtatrawta myth, the lobster’s lips became rough and brittle as a result of being poked and prodded by the Hnathial plant, hence the lobster curses the plant: “From now on whenever you are pregnant with child, you shall die of childbirth”, the curse that explains the reason why when the Hnathial plant (monocot plant) becomes pregnant with the fresh shoot, it always dies (Thanmawia and Ralte 2017, p. 135-137). The Galngam myth also portrays an exchange of curses between Galngam and Dawi Kungpu engaged in a battle of wits:

Galngam may your eyes become blind, may your legs be broken, and may your hands be trapped on the bull rope. Hearing this curse, Galngam cursed back “Alright even if I become blind, my legs get broken, and my hands get trapped in the bull rope, at least the bull will drag me to some village where I will find someone to help me out. As for you, may the flesh of your buttocks be permanently stuck on the rock on which you sit, may the rising floods of the monsoon season submerge you, and may you bear the heat of the summer sun all your life. Unable to bear Galngam’s curse, Dawikungpu took back his curse on Galngam who did likewise. However, a small piece of flesh from Dawikungpu’s buttocks remained stuck on the rock where he sat and the mark can be seen on the rocks even to this day. ( Vaiphei 2015, p. 15).

In Mizo folklore, there are a number of stories in creation myths that underscores the importance of selflessness in times of great difficulty. This usually is portrayed in the form of extending a helping hand with any resource one is capable of giving. This act of selfless service in times of need is perceived as the concept of Tawm-ngaina or Tlawmngaihna which translates to ‘love of less’. It is the love of less in times of servitude to the old and needy; a collective moral code imbibed within Zo societies and is usually expected from the younger generations. The myth, “How Land Acquired Soil” narrates a cooperative interaction between the human and animal world in arriving at a solution to bring soil to their rock-laden, parched land on the other side of the river (Thanmawia and Ralte 2017, p. 3). The brothers Thanghou and Liandou, who were left destitute by their mother are admired for their selfless love for each other; their sharing of a single millet seed is an act of tawm-ngaina that has resonated across households and instilled upon young minds as an exemplary act of kindness and generosity. Explicating this distinct ancestral code of conduct, Vumson records Samuelson’s clarification of what the concept entails:

Tlawmngaihna implies the capacity for hard work, bravery, endurance, generosity, kindness, and selflessness. The forefathers emphasized this value of the action to their progeny. In days of both happiness and misfortune, the concept of Tlawmngaihna was a stabilizing force. If a person grew sick or died in a village other than his own, the youth of that village would carry the dead body or sick person back to his own village. When the Mizo people traveled in a group, the youngest man’s duty would be to obtain firewood to cook food for the rest of the company. If an older man’s basket became too heavy a younger man would help relieve the load. Later on, the elders would honour the man who had the greatest Tlawmngaihna by letting him drink rice beer first in the get-together… this … code of morals made it obligatory for every Mizo to be courteous, considerate, unselfish, courageous, industrious and willing to help others, even at considerable inconvenience to oneself. When everybody was hungry, a man would eat very little, leaving the bigger portion of food for friends… walking one whole day over rough terrain in order to give important news … a man risks his life to save his friends… These are all Tlawmngaihna or ‘to need less’. It might be called “self-denial and acceptance of pain.” (Vumson 1986, p. 10).

Oral narratives are the culmination of a people’s collective ethos, trademark, and a doorway to understanding and manifesting their subjective realities told in the most authentic manner possible. Similarly, indigenous ontological interpretations are acts of resistance that liberates us from all forms of colonial distortions that offer only to analytically expose the supposed structures of our systems without reverence for the meaning that they carry. Nonetheless, while it would be only spiteful to claim that the objective interpretations of colonial scrutiny have wronged us completely, considering the extent to which we have been added and exposed to the fields of cultural, socio-political, or anthropological interest in the global sphere, there are gaps between such progressive analyses. However, there are need to reinvent a new set of conceptual lexicons to evolve the tradition of indigenous hermeneutics that is undeniably lacking in Western vocabulary. Such indigenous concepts that have been discussed have acted as guidelines and moral codes for the Zos before the existence of any prescribed examples, hence, what may be more important is the meaning attached to such codes, rites and traditions than their mere perception as objective data. In Maps of Meaning, (1999) Jordan Peterson clarifies how this process defines the consciousness of the indigenous man:

The natural, pre-experimental or mythical mind is in fact primarily concerned with meaning- which is essentially implication for action – and not with “objective” nature… For the pre-experimentalist, the thing is most truly the significance of its sensory properties, as they are experienced in subjective experience – in affect or emotion” (Peterson 1999, p. 16).  

Ontological interpretation is also a means to free ourselves from what Leanne B. Simpson calls, “cognitive imperialism” that invalidates the capacity of the Indigenous people to think of and for themselves (Simpson 2011). This is evidently politically relevant to the Zo people today considering their disarrayed state of existence that only leans on a reminiscent idea of a homeland that once tangibly stood before the colonial interruption, thus, disrupting their sense of a unified identity that is rooted now only in their oral tradition. A substantial amount of autonomy must be cultivated, at the least in matters of indigenous culture to shift away from the vices of cultural hegemony. A resurgence of indigenous knowledge is an opportunity to redirect one’s route of comprehension and reflect on what the idea of indigenous means to the indigenous, rather than what s/he used to mean to the West.

Declaration of Conflicts of Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest.

Funding

No funding has been received for the publication of this article. It is published free of any charge.

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Kimthianvak Vaiphei is a doctoral research scholar at the Department of English, North Eastern-Hill University, Shillong. Her research interest focuses on Indigenous theoretical approaches and Zomi Oral Literature.

Yemapoetics: Towards a Theory of Healing in Indigenous Poetry from Sikkim

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Swarnim Subba1 and Namrata Chaturvedi2

1Research Scholar, Department of English Literature and Cultural Studies at SRM University, Sikkim. ORCID: 0000-0003-1808-628X. Email subba.swarnim06@gmail.com

2Department of English, Zakir Husain Delhi College, (University of Delhi). ORCID: 0000-0001-9186-7651. Email: namrata.chaturvedi@gmail.com

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022, Pages 1–13. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne07

First published: June 09, 2022 | Area: Northeast India | License: CC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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Yemapoetics: Towards a Theory of Healing in Indigenous Poetry from Sikkim

Abstract

Literature that is being composed from or about the politico-geographical category of Northeast India focuses on violence and ethnic movements in major ways (Hazarika, 1996; Barpujari, 1998; Baruah, 2005; Paula, 2008). While Weberian understanding of indigenous cosmology has led to archiving, documenting and research on ethnic epistemologies from Northeast India, in the absence of indigenous literary theories, literature from this region faces the challenges of homogenisation or becoming case studies for ethnographic documentation and anthropological inquiry (Karlsson & Subba, 2006; Subba, 2009; Lepcha et al, 2020 in the context of Sikkim). This paper intends to propose a theory of reading that upholds the role and participation of the poet(ess) as a shaman- a transforming agent and a transformed individual herself. This theory is being named Yemapoetics, deriving its epistemic framework from the figure of shamaness or Yema in the Limboo healing tradition in Sikkim. Yemapoetics is an attempt to propose a new indigenous paradigm for indigenous literary expression around the world.  This theory identifies stages of poetic composition as well as reception, ranging from purification, possession, communication to catharsis. An indigenous literary theory like this will provide contexts for locating the poet(ess), examining her/his role as community healer who connects the modern, urban psyche of individuals with communal, archetypal symbols. This enables a process of retracing and re-membering through the poetic act that is essential to healing and recovery. Just as Limboo cosmology recognises women as first humans to be created, this paper argues that women’s psychospiritual agency should be at the centre for poetic theories to accord validity and applicability of feminist spirituality to indigenous literary theorisation. For the purpose, an illustration of the proposed theory will be made with reference to select indigenous poets from Sikkim.

Keywords: Limboo-Literary Theory-Feminist Spirituality- Northeast-Sikkim.

Introduction

In northeast India, the topographical contours are intrinsically linked to similar yet distinctive epistemologies that shape the ethnic diversity and indigenous identities of the inhabitants. The eight states that are identified as belonging to the political category of Northeast India possess a range of indigenous worldviews (?div?s?dar?an) that are distinctive in symbolisms and rituals yet connected by shared cosmological structures and ceremonial significations. In Northeast India: A Place of Relations (2017), Saikia and Baishya (Eds.) argue for continuities, intersectionalities and solidarities in the political, cultural and lived traditions in the geopolitical category of Northeast India. In Oral Traditions, Continuities and Transformations in Northeast Indian and Beyond (2021),  Sarkar and Modwel (Eds.) argue for the need to reassess the continuities, exchanges, interdependence and influences between lived cultures of ‘Asian Highlands’ to recontextualise the folk knowledge systems and their relevance in the wake of modernity, to understand the frontier geopolitical challenges and richness of the ‘shatter zone’ called India’s Northeast and to locate the political and cultural history of the region in its negotiation with external as well as internal colonialism and rapid globalisation. Recent studies as these are incorporating newer methodologies of interpretative politics, cultural geography, material culture studies, ecoethnography and transindigenous comparative frameworks to revisit the cultural and literary knowledge traditions of Northeast India. As the indigenous philosophies of Northeast India do not possess a textual or metaphysical nature, they are evolutions out of lived experiences and oral knowledge transmission. These communication models are largely based on intergenerational preservation and distribution of knowledge. The nature of this knowledge is transpersonal and environmental involving the participation of human and transhuman entities in the nature of elemental deities, spirits, ancestor personas, animal and plant spirits, and the relationships of reciprocity and interdependence between them. The ‘indigenous religion paradigm’ (Maarif, 2019) necessarily involves a web-like relationality between these participants that is epistemologically different from a hierarchical paradigm of divine-human-nature in Western religion. This paper incorporates an ethnopoetic approach that aims to locate indigenous poetics in ethnospiritual terms of reference by focusing on a specific healing ritual in the Limboo spiritual tradition in Sikkim.

In Indian Adivasi literary and cultural discourse, concerns of sovereignty, knowledge of orature, and archiving and documenting ethno literature are major concerns as reflected in the work of critics and scholars such as GN Devy, Anand Mahananda, Ganga Sahay Meena, Ramdayal Munda, Ramanika Gupta and Ruby Hembrom and others. In contemporary Adivasi literary discourse, there is space left for exploring dimensions of human and nature interdependence, communal identity formation through participation and trans-indigenous philosophical and political solidarities are being highlighted as counter-narratives of sustainable development and ecofeminist activism (Chaturvedi, 2021). As northeast India is home to indigenous communities varying in ethnic and spiritual identities, the literary discourse can gain much from such theoretical investment in trans-indigenous solidarities and spiritual poetics. The development of research and its directions in Northeast India became visible only after late 1980’s when some scholars started probing into the diverse contemporary issues of ethnicity, identity, conflict, inclusion, violence, political inequality, cultural imagination and nation-state as represented in the literature composed from or about the politico-geographical and ethno-political categories of Northeast India. Scholars such as Udayon Mishra (1988) and Apurba Baruah (1991) examine the ethnicity and identity-based conflicts; Geeti Sen (2005) and Kynpham Sing Nongkynrih (2005) reflect on the conflict between states and the country, the brutality of political oppression, violence, cultures in transition, psychological and social difficulties in the contemporary poetries etc. Otojit Kshetrimayum (2009) critical analysis on the role of shamanism in establishing women’s power and autonomy and also provides trans-ethnic, trans- indigenous reading. Tilottoma Misra (2011) explores the dimensions of the multi-ethnic and multilingual cultures reflected in the Northeast literature; Mark Bender (2012) employs ecocritical theory to ethnographic poems of Northeast India and Southwest China. Watitula Longkumer & Nirmala Menon (2017) seeks to understand the multicultural aesthetics in the literary works of the region and Amit R. Baishya (2019) on political terror and survival in contemporary literature of the Northeast. Populated by numerous and distinctive ethnic groups that share international borders with China, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Myanmar and Nepal, this landlocked Northeast Himalayan belt of Indian subcontinent has witnessed and withstood all kinds of inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic clashes and conflicts. Therefore, the focus of research on Northeast Indian studies has been located mostly in the issues of terrorism, ethnic clash, ecological degradation, historical and socio-political issues, insurgencies, and related others (Baruah, 2005; Nongkynrih, 2005; Sen, 2006; Mishra, 2011; Ray, 2015; Baishya, 2019). However, the abundant narratives of “indigeneity” and “ethnicity” in the contemporary texts are often overlooked or side-lined in a complex history of migration, colonization, conflicts and unrest (Menon &Longkumer, 2017). In this view, this paper attempts to sketch a theoretical framework for the literary criticism of Northeast Indian poetry through the paradigm of indigenous poetics. It is developed to study and understand the indigenous existence and realities by linking it to the Mundhum narratives (Limboo ritual oral narratives) that are foundational to Limboo culture and tradition. As Neal Mcleod asserts ‘Indigenous poetics is the embodiment of Indigenous consciousness’(Mcleod 2014, p.4) just as the oral narratives of the Mundhum that are the source of inspiration, information and enlightenment for ‘Limbus’ and guidance of the way of life, customs and rites-de-passage. (Chaitanya Subba, 1995)

This paradigm emerges from the ground-up by deriving its conceptual structures and vocabulary from indigenous spiritual ritual practices of women, specifically that of the Yemas who are women healers of the Limboo community of Sikkim. The stages of the spiritual experiences, the links between language, sound, rhythm and poetry, and the centrality of their spiritual experiences are the foundations of the theoretical propositions in this paper. In seeing the Yemas perform their social roles bearing responsibility and sacrifice as mediums, one can revisit the social and cultural roles that poets of Northeast India perform in the context of transition from oral to written literature, preserving oral knowledge traditions and undertaking writing to counter underrepresentation in history as being similar. The poets can be seen as undertaking the roles of community healers and channels for communication between the ancient realms of ancestral wisdom and present layers of modern experience.

A predilection for images and motifs drawn from nature is proof that Northeast poetry in English is deeply rooted in the land. ‘Nature’ is not an impassive witness to the existential despair of men and women as in the contemporary wasteland of modernist poets, but a living presence for the Northeast poets, where hills and rivers are also deities…and the fates of natives are inevitably intertwined with them. Thus, in spite of the trappings of modernity, the life of most communities of the Northeast is defined by their folk origins. The mythic world still survives at the frontiers of the civilised world, and the ‘folk’ still continues to assume the ‘intensity of reality’ for many. Myths provide a key to the cultural behaviour of a people, but when communities seem to be losing their way in the midst of cultural colonisation, mythopoeic poets, out of a deep-seated desire, step in and try to emulate the traditional storytellers and shamans by recalling the lore of the tribe.

 For elaborating on this role and experience, the experiential knowledge and expressions of women have been focused upon with the intention to highlight feminine epistemology as being capable of encompassing the range of human experience, much as masculine epistemology has been recognised for years. While shaman, yogi, jogi, jhankri, yeba, phedangma, ojha, medicine-man, magician and many other terms have used a masculine gender vocabulary to designate and reflect on the spiritual agency of the healers, the feminine healers have either been subsumed within a masculine vocabulary or been relegated to a position on the margins. It is either argued that the word ‘shaman’ naturally includes a shamaness too, or that shamaness is a rarity hence the word must not be used to denote a generalised designation or role. While interviewing a yema, when this question was posed, she concurred that a yema (woman healer) is also a yeba (male healer) to indicate that even in spiritual vocabulary, the masculine denotative is all-encompassing while the feminine is used to denote the spiritual agency of women which is not distinctive but can be easily subsumed within the masculine.   As observed, women’s spiritual agencies and the complexities of their experiential language are often assimilated into a universalised masculine vocabulary or even ignored in cultural and literary discourses. It is possible and desirable to locate the poetic structures of writing as well as reading in women’s spiritual experiences and language matrices thereby facilitating a feminine poetics that recognises the psychoemotional vocabulary of women’s lives and words and paves the way for seeing the poet as “a mad shaman(ess), a Yema”. The recognition of validity of women’s spiritual experiences can serve two purposes which may not be mutually exclusive. Firstly, the vocabulary that emerges from this, such as Yemapoetics, will point to the significance and range of women’s spiritual lives, and secondly, it will enable a feminine-centered grammar of psychopoetics that will counter the marginalisation of women’s psychological and literary lives. The Yema will stand as a model for all indigenous poets who are trying to be healers and mediums for their ethnic communities, for their land and for all women (and men) who share in the collective spirit of a place.

Who Is Yema and What is Yemapoetics?

In Sikkim, Limboos is one of the indigenous tribes who have inhabited the region even before the Namgyal dynasty was established in 1642 (Sinha, 2005).   Though they are considered the earliest settler of Sikkim, having a distinctive linguistic and cultural identity, they have been denied and deprived of Indigenous rights and justice over centuries (Khamdhak, 2019). ‘Straddled between the two countries of Nepal and India, this fringe tribe has sustained fluid identity under the changing history. The flexibility of the geographical boundaries, battles of conquest, conspiracies and acquisition, and the theories of their originality have confused this community and has caused them to search for their identity. The onset of democracy has further marginalized them. The Limboos have been classified as Nepali linking this community with the later Nepali migrants in Sikkim, which the Limboos consider as a threat to their distinct identity’ (Subba, 2013).

Limboos are traditionally nature worshippers, animist and have their own religion – Yumaism and their literature in oral form – Mundhum. Mundhum is a broad umbrella term that incorporates legends, myths, folklore, prehistoric accounts, sermons and moral and philosophical exhortations in poetic language (Limbu, 2010). It encircles and enriches Limboo ontology, customs and rites are recited during rituals and ceremonies by the Limboo shamans/ shamanesses that are known as Phedangma, Samba, Yeba, Yema, Mangba or Ongsi.

‘Yemapoetics’ derives its epistemic framework from the figure of Yema, a Limboo shamaness who recites Mundhum while performing shamanic rituals to heal an individual or a community from certain diseases and the spells of evil spirits to restore health and harmony. This paradigm makes an attempt to reorient the study of indigenous literature with the intention to restore the poetic and philosophical dimensions of the writings themselves.  It is developed for the non-western analysis of indigenous poetry, spirituality and worldviews for putting our indigenous realities into perspective. As a new paradigm of reading poetry by indigenous poets, this approach sees the indigenous poet/poetess as a shamaness who acts as a transforming agent for her community and a transformed individual herself.

In 1964, Mircea Eliade published Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy, a work that brought into academic focus the figure of the shaman as a healing spirit, a medium between this world and the other. Many poetic theories have since looked at the figure of the shaman as being similar to the figure of the poet, and have identified patterns of similarities in their roles and powers of communicating with the unseen, as it were (Henighan, 1979; Synder 1985; Rothenberg, 1985; Chung, 2005; Mortuza, 2013; Lima, 2014; Paneka, 2018). Referring to ‘late-modernist poetics’ as essentially curative, Shamsad Mortuza quotes Anthony Mellors:

The late modernist poets …write on the brink of the postmodernist abyss. Distinct, if not entirely separate from mid- to late twentieth-century poetries which are indebted to modernism but which return to highly, individualised, bardic modes of expressions, such as the neo-romantics of the 1940s, the Beats of the 1950s, and the counter-cultural visionaries of the 1960s, they continue to affirm a redemptive aesthetic that links poesis with the occult power while disowning the reactionary politics of high modernists such as Yeats, Eliot and Pound. Art remains the alternative order to rationalising and inevitably c-omprised political systems. (Mortuza, 2013, p. 7)

In this book A More Beautiful Question: The Spiritual in Poetry and Art (2011), Glen Hughes, drawing inspiration from the philosophies of Lonergan and Eric Voegelin, identifies the problem of modern times as a case of “imbalance in consciousness”. According to him, the fact that for many people, art continues to hold meaning because it is capable of keeping alive a sense of mystery, “an invitation to feel the unbounded surplus of meaning in the depths of reality in an age when both institutional religions and their materialist and atheist critics have become less and less effective in doing so” (p.130) Hughes categorizes kinds of imbalances, and points to the need of contemporary times to a balanced consciousness, one that retains the intimations of childhood along with the maturity of adulthood. Like Gadamer, Hughes also stresses the curative, balancing power of art, in taking individual consciousness closer to the realm of knowing the unknowable, of apprehending the infinite and supreme principle of consciousness. Indigenous literature and philosophy reorient us to recognizing the role of women’s spirituality as therapeutic, balancing and restorative. From the work of Paula Gunn Allen (1986) to that of Molly McGlennen (2014), indigenist feminist scholarship has recognized indigenous philosophies and trans-indigenous feminist solidarities as offering balancing epistemological discourses to the global urban and capitalist discourses. Native American, Aboriginal, Adivasi, African and other indigenous traditions are inviting us to locate feminist spirituality in literature, especially in poetry and associated rhythms and sound-based therapies that are also finding a place in the emerging field of narrative medicine. In the context of northeast India, there lies promising scope in exploring the spiritual-poetic contours of oral, ritualistic and even written audio-visual signs for identifying models of reconnection, restoration and regeneration that these texts provide. The Yema is an archetypal poet- one who has mastered the art of distancing, reconnecting, transcending and restoring the self with contemporary realities. This paper presents Yema as an archetypal figure of poetry and her specificities of spiritual experience outline a model for structured therapy, one that can be naturally applied to indigenous poetries from Northeast India. In this proposed theory, the poet(ess) is seen as a Yema, a medium through which ancestors communicate, a leader through whom the individual is able to retrace her/his steps to reconnecting with the ancestral traditions, to receive wisdom and to locate oneself in the community. Poets like Joy Harjo, Louise Erdrich, Jacinta Kerketta, Mamang Dai, Joram Yalam Nabam and many others who see their contemporary identities as primarily located in their indigeneity, have talked about the need to retrace one’s steps to one’s ancestral spirits. This retracing is also a reclaiming of history and identity, a healing of the wounds of colonial history. As a poetic framework, Yemapoetics identifies stages of poetic composition as well as reception, ranging from purification, possession, communication to catharsis. These stages encapsulate the spiritual journey of the poets as well as that of the readers, whose own fractured modern selves find ways of healing in the act of reading. The Yema, though specific, is being presented as a generic figure- an archetype of feminine spirituality, upholding a tradition wherein a woman becomes a community leader, keeper of memories, speaker for ancestors, and healer for the young. Yemapoetics is therefore a generic theory that can aid in recognising and situating the role of poets in any community by upholding the woman as a representative of the mediumship and catharsis as a challenge to the universalising vocabulary of men’s roles and experiences.

Purification

When Yema prepares herself to transpose from this world to the worlds of spirits, she detaches herself from the contemporary realities with the help of meditation, ritual objects and paraphernalia such as brass plates, Ya- Gay (small drums), Wasang (head dress decorated with bird feathers that acts a weapon to fight evil spirits), pona (necklace made of stones, beads, bones of birds and animals), Kaplak (Shell) and chanting of mundhums (Subba, 2021). The language of the Mundhum recited by Yema helps her to symbolically dislocate herself with a violent shivering of the body, her eyes closed and going into a trance. There is a fundamental link between the rhythm of language and the state of depersonalization: “The very language of the shaman, the music or the melody of it, can alone have healing properties. The music can put listeners, as poetry can put readers, into a state of trance, which is a pre-requisite for healing” (Panecka, 2018).

Similarly, a poet in the process of creating her poetic work dissociates from the contemporary, modern realities of this world and goes into a trance like state into the creative world that is her unconscious mind. She is symbolically displaced from this physical world and enters into an imaginative world. T.S Eliot’s theory of poetic creation asserts this process of displacement or depersonalisation of a poet.  To create poetry, a poet dissociates from this world- ‘continual self-sacrifice, a continual extinction of personality’ and journeys back to the past (tradition) to modify (heal) the present. A poet thus remains merely as a medium between poets’ present personal feelings and emotions and the impersonal elements i.e. knowledge and wisdom of the past in order to create a new thing i.e. a poem. Yishey Doma, an indigenous English language poet from Sikkim disconnects from this modern world of realities for “it only takes a whiff to get me there as I love climbing amidst your tranquillity” in her poem ‘Tashiding’. Tashiding also known as “Heart of Sikkim/ Denzong” is one of the oldest monasteries of Sikkim built in the mid seventeenth century known for its Bhumchu Ceremony that prophesize the events for Sikkim every year. “Every stone, every corner/ Every soul, everything, from your/ Four saintly course reflect gods/ The gods of Tashiding has come to me/ I want to proclaim it to all.”

Possession

Yema symbolically dissociates herself from this world and enters into a state of possession after chanting, dancing and beating drums and brass plates. R. L. Jones (1976) describes this spirit possession in Limboo shamans as altered state of consciousness where the spirit may be the soul of the departed individual, gods and goddesses, natural divinity, household or clan divinity or even souls of animal kingdom as the master spirit. She can communicate with spirits and ancestors retreating into the prophetic vision or ancestral calling.  She asks help from seven generations of ancestor spirits to fight against the evil spirits. The poets can be seen like the shamaness who with the help of their creative powers and poetic language help to transform us to greater conscious and integration, help us to go on an inner journey. They, like shamaness, can help the reader establish a contact with the spirits that are connected to the power of inner senses – a spiritual world that lies within us. Thus in the hands of shaman(ess)-poets, the oral text becomes the tool of prophecy and mediation (Dana, 2004) who use ancestor spirits, indigenous worldviews and cosmovision by transcribing them in her poems that play a significant role in the healing process in this present-day crisis.  With reference to Robin Ngangom’s views on the role of indigenous poets from Northeast India shared earlier in this essay, we can think about the poetry of Temsula Ao, an indigenous poet from Nagaland. Writing in English, Ao evokes ancestor spirits often in her poems: “Stone-people/ The worshippers/ Of unknown, unseen/ Spirits/ Of trees and forests, / Of stones and rivers, / Believers of soul/ And its varied forms, / Its sojourn here/ And passage across the water/ Into the hereafter” (‘Stone People from Lungterok’).

Sanjay Sawaden Subba is a young emerging indigenous poet from Sikkim who writes both in English and Limboo. His poem ‘Last Talk with Grandpa’, recalls his last conversation with his grandfather that ‘brought vigour to (his) sleepless eyes’ which he considers ‘the most precious frozen memories’ that gives ‘leisure to (his) stressful mind’. The indigenous poets composing poetry in different literary and linguistic traditions in Northeast India show that by reconnecting to one’s ancestors, tradition, culture and spiritual values can play an important role in the healing process.

Communication

The Mundhum contains rhythm, incantation, versification that is similar to poetry: “It is composed of couplets; the two lines having an identical rhythm with same number of syllables” (Khamdhak, 2021). Yema recites sogha (evil spirits of unnatural death) myth from the Mundhum (Limbu, 2010) along with her ritual instruments during a séance or shamanic rituals to ward off the evils/ diseases. The effect of rhythm and movement marked by the beating of brass plates, small drums, dancing, and chanting leads up to the state of trance or spirit possession to intercede with the spirit world on behalf of her community.

The poet too with her special language, metaphor, rhythm and imagery records the prophetic dreams/ visions in her poetry and transmits this knowledge to the readers through her poems. Therefore, we see how this special knowledge of healing is expanded from individuated consciousness to communal consciousness. Manprasad Subba, a well-known indigenous poet from Darjeeling writes how talking about our indigenous self and our way of life is vital because our thoughts and voices ‘Are colonized by wild cockroaches’ in ‘A Talk of Self’, a poem translated into English by the poet himself. He adds that now it’s time that we rise with our own voices by ‘overcoming others’ noises’ and finally ‘Self’s endless offspring sprout and spread/ From the earth’s womb wet with the heart’s fluid/ The oppressed self has now realized-/ Save self/ To save others.’

Healing

After the shamanic ritual/ séance are over, there is a sense of consolation and tranquillity that persists among the people of her community.  The evil spirits are warded off to restore health and harmony among the people of her community. Yema’s use of evocative language of the Mundhum during rituals and ceremonies to cure or heal her community can be compared to poets who with their creative power of language bring about new awareness among the readers.

The contemporary Native American poet Joy Harjo, a member of Muscogee Creek Nation writes for survival and continuance for her people, repairing and re-establishing their lost identity and redefining political, cultural and spiritual spaces for the restoration of the whole. In a transcript recorded by Jim Lehrer in PBS NEWS HOUR, Harjo asserts, “So when I began to listen to poetry, it’s when I began to listen to the stones, and I began to listen to what the clouds had to say, and I began to listen to others. And I think most importantly for all of us, and then you begin to learn to listen to the soul, the soul of yourself in here, which is also the soul of everyone else”. This kind of awareness/ consciousness gives rise to a deep confidence that we will survive any crisis we are facing in this modern world.

In the context of indigenous literature from this region, the poetry of Mamang Dai, an Adi poet from Arunachal Pradesh also reflects the trauma and negative experiences of historical and political influences and restrictions in the Northeast parts of India. By voicing her thoughts through her poetry, her writing acts as a healing process not only for herself but for her community as a whole. She provides an excellent example of this understanding in her poem ‘The Wind and the Rain’: “And our dreams have been stolen/ by the hunger of men travelling long distance,/ like bats in the dark./ Soft fruit, flesh, blood./ There is a war and directly now/ it must be about guns, metal, dust/ and the fear that climbs the trees every night/ when our names are written/ without will or favour in the present,/ watching the frailty of our lives/ spilled in the blood of these hills/ right before our disbelieving eyes”.

Manprasad Subba emphasizes the importance of re-establishing our indigenous selves in his poem ‘Mainstream and Me’. He makes an effort to give voice to his community who are still struggling for identity in one’s own land. He writes: “Now/ I don’t want to sing what the/Mainstream wants me to/ Until my own melody is not given/ A chord in its composition/ I won’t be mesmerized by its glittering words/ That usually come/ To benumb my own words”. This poem functions as healing object as it accentuates the strengths of his community. Further, the readers are transformed with this new awareness of no longer submitting to the ‘Mainstream’ but to strive for one’s own voice and identity.  He concludes the poem by saying, “No/ I no longer crave for mainstream/ Instead, mainstream should come/ Out of its own whirlpool/ To know and feel my face/ And heartbeat”.

Conclusion

In the context of indigenous literature in India, indigenous poetics offers an engagement with narrative and poetic complexities and a historiographical focus on literary criticism which can be a complimenting approach to ethnographic and archivist approaches. From Northeast India, numerous studies of ethnographic mapping, archival documentation and socio-political discourses of marginalization and violence have emerged. In these discourses, the intrinsic quality of writing, the philosophical and aesthetic dimensions of creative art, the psychoemotive dimensions of writing and reading and the deep links between spirituality, ritual, aesthetics and the written word do not find the adequate discussion. Literature tends to become case studies and social/political documents presented through ethnographic, folk and ecocritical lens while fundamental questions of poetic inspiration, metaphorical metaverse, transethnic dialogue, multigeneric intersections, aesthetic processes, affective stages of cognition and behaviour get sidelined or ignored. A major reason for this is the absence of a comprehensive and consolidated indigenous literary critical tradition. Yemapoetics is an intervention in indigenous literary criticism that aims to cover some of these lacunae by locating poetry in ethnopoetic paradigms with a psychospiritual feminist framework. In this paradigm, the ethnic knowledge traditions of the women shamans are recognised for the poetic coordinates of rhythm, chanting and transpersonal experiences leading ultimately to recovery and healing. In mapping spiritual experiences with poetry, understanding the stages of this process becomes significant to uphold the experiential episteme of the feminine and to understand the emotional, spiritual and psychological nuances of the process itself-both for the healer and the healed.

Further, Indigenous Spirituality offers a dynamic and progressive space for women. For instance, in the Mundhum Creation of Universe myth known as the Yehang Se:ma, the first human to come to life was the female idol named Tungutlisa Simbumasa created by various creator gods with the blessings of the Supreme Goddess Tagera Ningwaphuma. After the creation of the first woman, she was weighed by the god of faith and destiny on a weighing balance known as ‘ninduli pasanga’. When she weighed lesser than the first man that was created after her, the gods decked and decorated her with various gold, silver and other precious ornaments so that she weighed equal to the man (Subba, 2012). This myth validates that the indigenous women’s experiences are distinct from t the western feminist construction of universal female experiences. The western feminist contesting that woman are treated unjustly in the man-centred and dominant world is debunked in the Limboo creation mythology. Yemapoetics that emerge from this indigenous feminist spiritual cosmovision enables us to re-imagine the role of contemporary women as being vital and central in their community. It also upholds women’s psychospiritual agency keeping it at the centre for poetic theories in order to accord validity and applicability of feminist spirituality to indigenous literary theorisation. Further, this paradigm presents a model derived from engagement with Yemas as well as other indigenous shamans in the Rai community in Sikkim. The purification-possession-communication-healing model has been conceptualised from ground-up as an attempt to create indigenous poetic frameworks based on lived experiences of spirituality that are participatory, communal and integrated with everyday living, including the transitory processes of illness, death and other traumatic ruptures. This framework is not being theorised as exclusive to the Limboo or any other ethnic community, but is being presented as a theorisational model for indigenous and even non-indigenous poetry if it be of the nature of reconnection, regeneration and restoration. This model may serve to inspire other models of indigenous poetics in different parts of northeast India as well as other Adivasi regions in pedagogy in literature classrooms, research and deliberations at the University levels. This is in recognition of urgency in enlivening indigenist literary criticism so that students, scholars and researchers from northeast India do not continue to rely on borrowed and disjointed poetics when reading literature from the region itself. Such models as Yemapoetics should pave the way for integrating the poetic vocabularies of storytellers, clowns, riddle masters, magic women, trickster men, spirits, man-beasts, highland deities, herbologists, seers, fortune tellers and other spiritual role players in the communities inhabiting the mountains, hills, forests, plains and even the cities in Northeast India.  Finally, this paper concludes with the hope that the grammar of indigenous poetics will find its rightful place in the discourses on poetry and may even generate models for the reading of mainstream, non-indigenous, non-tribal poetry that has exhausted and transcended organised, compartmentalised and sanitised vocabularies of poetry itself.

Postscript[1]

As a Limboo indigenous woman scholar, exploring the paradigm of healing in indigenous poetry enabled me to contextualize my indigenous perspectives and experiences from my location- Sikkim. By reading and researching about the Mundhum and Limboo myths, I could reconnect with the ancestral tradition of my community that enabled me to understand my roots and cultural identity. It was a therapeutic experience for me to be cognizant of Limboo myths that acknowledge feminine goddess as the Supreme and recognize the role of women as equal to men. Yemapoetics apply this indigenous epistemology in the literary discourse of healing and recovery. The study of the non-western perception of female spirituality helped me re-establish and reassert my own indigenous spirituality.

To trace the psychospiritual process a Yema goes through, I got an opportunity to witness a community healing séance very recently on 27.11.2021 at Lingding, Gangtok, Sikkim.  I interviewed a Yema and Yeba (Limboo Shamans of the female and male gender respectively) to map their spiritual experiences with poetry that corroborated with the Yemapoetic theory proposed in this paper.

Declaration of Conflicts of Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest.

Funding
No funding has been received for the publication of this article. It is published free of any charge.

Acknowledgement 

Featured Image: “A waterfall in Sikkim” – Wikimedia Commons by Sujay25.

 Note

[1] This note is written by Swarnim Subba, the first author of this paper.

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Interviews and Community Participation:

Witnessed a séance (Community Healing) at Lingding (Gangtok, Sikkim) on 27.11.2021.

Interview with a Mangpa(name withheld) (Rai Shaman) at Lingding community healing and driving away the evil spirits on 27.11.2021 at 10.00 pm.

Interview with a Yema (name withheld) (LimbooShamaness) at Daragoan, Tadong, East Sikkim on 09.12.2021 at 4.00pm

Interview with Yeba (name withheld) on 16.12.2021 at 10 am at NurBahadur Bhandari College, Gangtok, Sikkim.

Swarnim Subba is a research scholar in the Department of English Literature and Cultural Studies at SRM University, Sikkim, and is an Assistant Professor, in the Departmetn of English at Sikkim Government College, Burtuk, Sikkim.  Presently she is working on a translation of Limboo book of poetry into English.  Her current research interests focus on Trans indigenous studies, Shamanistic poetics, indigenous spirituality and healing, and native poetics.

Dr. Namrata Chaturvedi teaches in the Department of English, Zakir Husain Delhi College, (University of Delhi). She has edited the book, Memory, Metaphor and Mysticism in K?lid?sa’s Abhijñ?na S?kuntalam London: Anthem Press, 2020). She is currently working on a book on the spiritual writings of women from north and north-eastern literary traditions in India. Her forthcoming book is a translation of an Indian Nepali novel into Hindi.

Art, Ecology and Affective Encounters: An Ecosophical Study of Folk Tales from Tripura

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Partha Sarathi Gupta
Associate Professor, Dept. of English, Tripura University, Tripura, India. ORCID: 0000-0002-5629-0436. Email: parthasarathi[at]tripurauniv.ac.in, parthasarathigupta15[at]gmail.com

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022, Pages 1–9. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.06

First published: June 09, 2022 | Area: Northeast India | License: CC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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Art, Ecology and Affective Encounters: An Ecosophical Study of Folk Tales from Tripura

Abstract

This paper promotes an anti-anthropomorphic approach to the study of folk oratures of India’s Northeast with special reference to select motifs in the folk tales of the Bongcher and Chakma communities of Tripura (in English translation). The tales are replete with strange transformations from humans to beasts and birds, and vice versa. This motif of metamorphosis serves to situate the folk tales of this region in a paradigm which explores and accommodates a literally symbiotic kinship between art and nature. Timothy Morton’s observations on  “ecological thought”, and the “mesh” resting on the pillars of inter-human and inter-elemental relationships which they foreground, offer a methodological premise to this study. This paper pursues an ecosophical study of select folk tales like – Rulrengtenu Retape (Bongcher), translated as “The Story of the Snake-Queen” and Bucya buri a Egpal Bandar (Chakma), translated as “The Old Man and the Band of Monkeys”. Besides, this study may also be situated at a crucial juncture in human history, when concerns of late capitalism and its consequent ecological collapse have begun to threaten life on this planet. Hence, this study also draws on Guattari’s notion of ecosophy engaged upon in his work The Three Ecologies, and explores how folk tales of India’s Northeast encompass the material, social, and perceptual realms of ecology in all its diverse life-affirming varieties.

Keywords: ecosophy, becomings, ecological thought, interconnectedness, mesh, affects. 

Last Christmas, holiday hunters in the Eastern part of India thronging the Sundarbans, along with some channels on National Television, like paparazzi, pursued a certain “Dakhinroy” – the folk pseudonym of the big Bengal cat – an endangered species of the region, who was out to hunt flesh, having trespassed the fragile fortification of its habitat, deep in the estuaries. TV channels turned obese feeding on the sensational spectacle of a tiger put to sleep by foresters in order to ensure the protection of the lives of the inhabitants of a village in Kultali, in the South 24 Parganas of West Bengal. As the pseudonym of “Dakhinroy” flashed on the television screens, folklore enthusiasts must have felt the goosebumps, and environmentalists must have frowned to witness the audacious invincibility of human agencies in a war with a predator on the prowl, right at the apex of our food chain. The incident created ripples in the electronic media and must have stirred the minds of folk enthusiasts. But a dark shadow was cast on our ticking ecological clock. The various versions of the tale of Dakhinroy in the tiger territory may have faded away from the mouths of the residents of the region, but the vestiges of them in popular culture annals still continue to speak volumes on the pantheistic interconnectedness between man and the wild, and the thin porous line separating their territories. A few days later, a similar incident drove the residents of a village in Gosaba (District South 24 Parganas, West Bengal) to spend sleepless nights fortifying their territories from the advances of another Dakhinroy. Occasionally, folk suddenly juts its neck upward from the sands of time to peep into the corridors of the present, propelling us to revisit narratives of ancient wisdom. Perhaps this is what Raymond Williams called “residual” elements of culture (Williams, 1977, p. 122). The present study engages with the concerted attempts of Sahitya Akademi North East Centre for Oral Literature, Agartala, at retrieving the rich tapestry of oratures from the minefield of folk from India’s Northeast, a region which is home to distinct ethnic communities and cultures that proudly boast of a treasure trove of folktales. Translation of all these tales into English under the aegis of the Centre, has facilitated not just a revival of ancient wisdom; it also opens up new perspectives to the understanding of ecosophy as an approach to non-anthropocentric versions of culture. This study narrows down its corpus further to only engage with select folktales from Tripura.

The study of folk tales deserves a true renaissance. To use the analogy of the English metaphysical poet Andrew Marvell, we have wasted hours in marveling upon their morphology, days in ethnographical pursuits, and years in anthropological debates on nature, culture and civilization. It is time we resist the “ecology of bad ideas” (Bateson, 1972, as cited in Guattari, 2000). The academic territory we ought to create in our revaluation of the folk, ought to be first fortified by sound ideas and frameworks which are both sustainable and enriching at the same time. Richard Schechner in his book Performance Theory traces the roots of performance to ancient rituals which were participatory in nature, involving man’s relationship with the elemental and cosmic forces. Folk too goes back to early man’s aesthetic representation of the human body’s kinship with the elements, which included bestial and vegetative properties. Given this truth, it makes no sense to engage academic discourses of folk with the currents of high theory and the fashionable critical turns of post-humanism, historical and cultural materialism, and race and ethnicity studies. Studies of folk have been clogged by the centripetalism of critical theory, which seemed to respect and reiterate the same crises with more and more anthropocentric modes of analysis.

The present paper proposes to read into select folk tales from Tripura (in English translation) which engage with the metaphysics of transversality: a notion which describes how spaces may intersect – spaces separating earth’s varied species – animals, birds, insects and other invertebrates and even microorganisms, that inhabit their respective niches. We may replace the word “transversality” with the word “intersectionality” to describe this approach which snatches away the focus with vengeance from man and man only, and his associated discrete authorized epistemes which have been legitimized in history. Moreover, this study shall also attempt to explore such intersections and connections found in these folk tales, and study how the currents of global crises may groom and condition our reading of the same tales today.

The tales are replete with motifs of transversality between humans, animals, birds, and microorganisms. In them, the representation of kinships between different species, like man and beast, or man and bird, are often built on the pillars of trust, accommodation and acceptance, and sometimes on malice, enmity and connivance, leading to gory violence. While we read them, the teller keeps deflecting the focalizer’s position from that of the human narrator to that of the bestial, voiceless creatures of the green or the waters. Such an approach on the part of the teller naturally reveals an intersubjective switching over from one state of being to the other, abjuring all sense of anthropomorphic hierarchy. A particular folktale from the Mraima (Mog) community of Tripura may be cited here, popularly called the “the tale of Dewa”. Its principal protagonist is an invisible forest deity or dewa (Chaudhury, 2012, pp.123-126) who is both dreaded and revered. The tale may be read as an archetypal narrative that symbolically erases the boundaries between the animal and the human, and the hunter and the hunted. The tale begins with the journey of two princes, who lose their way in the forest and unconsciously cross the borders of their realm (Chaudhury, 2012, p.123). They decide to spend the night in the forest below in the valley. One of the brothers declares that he fears neither the bear nor the tiger, but is mortally scared of dewa – the spirit. Coincidentally, the younger prince is overheard by a tiger from behind the bushes, who decides to teach him a lesson on mortal fear. The turn in this seemingly flat tale appears when the same tiger, out to hunt the princes, spots the duo sleeping intertwined with each other with the head of each facing opposite directions. An optical illusion is created when the tiger mistakes the prince for a spirit with two heads. The foolish tiger suspects that he had seen dewa, a spirit with two heads, and slips away. Coincidentally, the lives of both the princes are saved. The tale does not have any credible narrative evidence to suggest the identity of dewa; whether he is a benevolent spirit or an evil one, is not clear. Yet there is an insinuation that the apparition might have been that of the invisible deity who may have had swallowed the princes and was sleeping over a meal. The tiger, in mortal fear, flees the spot, and later dozes off on the forest floor.  The next morning, the brothers – bleary-eyed after a good night’s sleep – mistake the sleeping tiger for their lost horse, and in a daze, mount upon its back. The tiger, on the other hand, in mortal fear of being possessed, runs amuck and bangs himself in a net of wild bushes. The chain of events in this tale evokes an elemental connection between the human and bestial worlds. This interconnection is represented in two ways, first, through a purgatorial ritual by which the tiger promises to ward off the evil influence of the ghost; he beckons all the animals and birds in the forest and announces the performance of the ritual. A cow, a goat, and a hen are hunted and killed by the tiger, jackal and a cat respectively – all three carrying out their individual predatory roles – in order to propitiate the alleged evil spirit. All these events occur in a chain, as, one by one the animals devise new strategies to ward off the evil. At certain junctures in the tale, the intersections between the two worlds – human and animal – take the tale forward to the next step in the narrative scheme. However, the tale ends with the triumph of man over the animals; only the tiger manages to swim safely ashore after the two princes dupe all the animals and drown them to death. Ironically, the faith, which the beasts repose on the humans, is rudely snapped by the human duo as they engage themselves in a game of deception. The survival of the tiger is a silent acknowledgment of the chief predator at the apex of the food chain. The tale is a grim prophetic reminder of the future of a human-centered civilization dedicated to assert the supremacy of man, and at the same time asserts the importance of acknowledging the interconnectedness of being on this ecologically challenged planet.

This is where ecosophy may intervene. Instead of being judgmental about the history of anthropocentric attitudes to civilization and culture, ecosophy may be practiced as an activity that encourages transversality. Anthropocentric attitudes to life have too long dominated our planet, led on by the megalomania of late capitalism. The time perhaps has come to subject man to what Guattari calls a “schizo-therapy”. Such a practice, to Guattari, may draw from principles of psychoanalytic schizo-therapy that can “decenter the singular, dominant and brutal psyche of capitalism, which is currently considered the only mind of the Earth” (Gardner and MacCormack, 2018, p.5). Folk tales are first hand instances of ecosophic practices which engage in affective encounters between human and non-human elements in the cosmos, through which reciprocity is generated. Gardner and MacCormack, in their commentary on Guattari observe:

Ecosophy manifests itself as a science of ecosystems encompassing the three ecologies: the material (ecology, biophysical), the social (cultural and human); and the perceptual (human subjectivity articulated through images, sounds and hapticity). In short, ecosophy is politically regenerative, ethical, aesthetic, analytical and life-affirming – embracing but also generating difference (11).

The present essay is more concerned with the chosen folktales’ engagement with perceptual ecology, the third of Guattari’s “three ecologies” – an engagement with subjectivities from a non-hierarchical and non-anthropocentric vantage point of the teller whose sole function is to circulate and pass on the baton of the orature to his/her posterity. Moreover, in the words of Timothy Morton, it is extremely difficult to rationally explain this interconnectedness, which, perhaps, only may be partially perceived or sensed. The promise of complete scientific knowledge of such interconnectedness is frustrated soon, as we find ourselves disoriented in our pursuit of this metaphysics. The infinitude of this interconnectedness is chiefly responsible for this disorientation; the reality of not being able to discern the logical wholeness of it all. Morton observes:

We can’t see everywhere. We can’t see everywhere all at once (not even with Google Earth). When we look at x, we can’t look at y. Cognitive science suggests that our perception is quantized – it comes in little packets, not a continuous flow. Our perception is full of holes. The nothingness in perception -we can’t plumb the depths of space…the infinite is not an object to be seen (22).

A folktale belonging to the Bongcher community of Tripura “The Story of Chemchhawrmanpa” (Bongcher and Bongcher, 2011, pp. 115-18) narrates a chain of chaotic events piercing through the lives and habitats of birds, beasts, insects, vertebrates and invertebrates, and even ends up disturbing the equilibrium of inanimate objects. The folktales of the Bongcher community have raised enough anthropological curiosity with respect to the community’s fast fading census data – its dwindling population and its endangered tongue – as recorded in a few indigenous treatises, including the “Introduction” to the Sahitya Akademi anthology of Bongcher Literature of the oral tradition: Echoes From Lungleng Tang (2011). But, the focus of the present study does not concern itself on the anthropological question. Instead, ecosophical vistas open out, once the reader delinks herself/himself from locus of the Anthropocene and embraces the immanence of the “mesh” (Morton, 28) – the infinitude of interconnectedness of multiple threads of the animate and inanimate worlds. What the folktale reveals in its apparent chaotic multiplicity, is what Timothy Morton calls “mesh”.

By extension, “mesh” can mean “a complex situation or series of events in which a person is entangled; a concatenation of constraining or restricting forces or circumstances; a snare.”… Since everything is interconnected, there is no background and therefore no definite foreground. (Morton, 2018, p.28)

Drawing on Darwin’s theory of the “Great Tree of Life”, Morton explains, “All life forms are the mesh, and so are all dead ones, as are their habitats, which are also made up of living and nonliving beings” (Morton, 2018, p.29). Moreover, Morton observes that the mesh does not offer any privileged central position to any particular species, contrary to the theoretical stance of humanist thought, post Renaissance and the era of the Enlightenment. Morton observes:

In contrast, mesh doesn’t suggest a clear starting point…Each point of the mesh is both the centre and the edge of a system of points, so there is no absolute centre or edge…All life forms are the mesh, and so are all dead ones, as are their habitats, which are also made up of living and nonliving beings. (Morton, 2018, p.29)

Folk wisdom in the oratures of Tripura and other regions of India’s Northeast possessed the ancient wisdom of this mesh, reiterated in tale after tale. But what is particularly unique to these tales is their utter disregard for what we understand as codes of narrative propriety. What is generally rarefied in the discursive parlance of urban storytelling, is spontaneously absent; with elements of the bawdy and the scatological, happily scattered and mixed with other elements of narrative. With the lack of a central core, the narrative admits infinite play of events and tropes which “rhizomatically” (Deleuze and Guattari, 2005, p.8) roll up into a narrative mesh, opening up infinite possibilities of becoming. The folktales of the Bongchers of Tripura are archives of this notion of mesh. “The Story of Chemchhawrmanpa” (Bongcher, and Bongcher, 2011. pp. 115-118) involving a cascading sequence of events, seemingly generates a never-ending inertia of motion, had it not been for the teller’s overarching role to bring the narrative to its desired telos. It all begins with Chemchhawrmanpa’s squatting posture while fishing, which reveals his dangling testicles to a hungry lobster in the shallow waters, who mistakes the dangling object for food. The bite of the shrimp begins a sequence of violent motions. The man jumps up in agony and plunges his axe into the bark of a bamboo tree, which bangs into the scrotum of a squirrel. The squirrel in pain tore apart a soft tendril, in which nested a poisonous ant. The ant vents its ire on the abdomen of a wild boar, and the cascading effects of the chain of events finally fell upon the hovel of an old woman who was just about to attend to nature’s call. The chain continues unabetted. The artful game of toppling over one another in a mad jostle for space may evoke comical affective responses in the listener/reader. However, within the sequence of events lies the folk-world’s sensitive understanding of deep ecology – that the human is just a component in the long and huge paradigmatic pole of an eco-system replete with multiple genera and species. The non-privileged position of humans recurs again and again as an underlined motif in almost all the folktales from the hills of Tripura.

Another interesting tale from the Bongcher orature of Tripura The Story of Rulrengtenu or “The Snake Queen) (Bongcher, and Bongcher, 2011, pp. 122-127) may be considered for a case study. In the first part of the tale, there ae no human characters. Members from the world of mammals, reptiles, amphibians and birds dominate the story-world, like the land-tortoise, deer, python, pheasant, kite, and frog. They often form an entire narrative unit in such tales, often resembling a beast fable. However, as this tale proceeds, we find that the next unit foregrounds humans as simply an additional element, and nothing more, in the chain of events. The first unit ends with the archetypal war between the snake and the kite, in which the kite tears the body of the python in meaty shreds, a large chunk of which falls into a jum field nearby. The jumia collects the chunk, brings the meat home, cooks a portion of it, and leaves the remaining portion to dry over a fire.  He then forgets all about it. Between fits of a strange amnesia over the meat, as he is about to decide on preparing the next meal with it, the strange amnesia grips him again and again, and the meat remains untouched. As he gets suspicious about his own recurrent amnesia, he begins to note another strange daily occurrence. Some deft hand seemed to be smartly performing all the regular household chores, much to the amusement of the jumia. The strange occurrence which recurs each day, is silently watched by the jumia’s neighbour – an old lady, who, one day, sees the strangest sight. Each day, after the jumia leaves for the hills, a beautiful damsel emanates from within the meat chunk and “meticulously performed all the household chores, including cooking, serving, and even collecting water. After everything, she quietly slipped into the meat chunk again. (Bongcher, and Boncher, 2011, p. 124).

The second section of the story marks a sharp departure from the world predominated by the beasts to a world where animal flesh metamorphoses into the human form of a lady, and begins to cohabit with a human, and even gives birth to two human children after a matrimonial union. The climax of the story is centered upon a marital vow; in which the snake lady extracts a pledge from her husband that he would never reveal her true identity to anybody ever. The pledge is soon forgotten at a vulnerable moment when the jumia is in an inebriated condition. He reveals the secret to their sons, who are shocked at being snubbed as the generation of snake children, by their own father. When the lady learns of this breach of trust, she disappears after performing her last chores. But before she departs, she promises to reveal herself to her children at a designated spot at the sea-side. The snake-queen metamorphoses into a fish and begins to oversee her children henceforth. Later, when her husband discovers the secret, he hires fishermen to trap her in the shallow waters when she is spotted playing with her children. However, the tale ends abruptly, as do most of such tales, with the fish mother jumping into the air with her children, high above the reach of invasive powers of the human world, and plunges into the deeper waters nearby.

If we deem the tales to be carriers of ancient wisdom, one might even detect in them prophetic forebodings about humans as invaders and trespassers. Through centuries, they have occupied territories of other species only to fulfill their own needs. There are other tales which have resonances of mistrust between humans and other species. A Chakma tale popularly known as Bucya Buri a Egpal Bandar or “The Old Man, the Old Woman and the Band of Monkeys” (Chakma, and Chaudhuri, 2013, pp., 95-102) is a lore studded with doubt, connivance, malice residualand violence inflicted upon each other by humans and the band of monkeys.  The tale ends with the human couple resorting to a malicious plot to drown all the monkeys to death. Only one of the animals survives the catastrophe. A Mraima (Mog) folktale almost on the same motif “The Tale of the Old Couple and the Monkey” (Chaudhury and Chaudhuri, 2012, pp. 118-122), with minor alterations, presents the human couple as victims of the beastly menace of monkey fury. Despite the couple’s kind gesture of parenting a monkey-child, the monkey child ultimately betrays his foster parents to ultimately kill the whole family. The tale is loaded with gruesome violence and cruelty. The lack of empathy between humans and the monkeys resonates through these ancient narratives of the oral tradition. Two of them have already been referred to above. A third one from the Bongcher orature Zongkhak tepu or “Tale of Chimpanzee” (Bongcher, and Bongcher, 2011, pp. 84-86) is replete with gruesome violence, once again reinforcing premonitions of a conflict-ridden future in which prospects of cohabitation may be questioned.  In this story the chimpanzee marries the youngest sister, and a son Taitari is born to them. The chimpanzee husband takes good care of his family, but to no avail. He fails to impress his human bride, who is in search of an opportunity to escape. She is successful, much to the disappointment of her beast husband, who begins to frantically search for her. In his anguish, he kills a neighbouring dog “and made a champreng with its intestines” (Bongcher, and Bongcher, p.85). He then plays the champreng whenever he goes in search of his lost wife. Finally, when he finds her, she refuses to acknowledge him as her husband. She even abandons her son, born of her chimpanzee-husband. In the end, she scalds him to death by pouring boiling water on him. The child escapes into the forest to live with other chimpanzees, but the others do not accept him as one of their own and kill him. The tale may be interpreted as having prophetic resonances of a future that does not augur well for any prospect of cohabitation between species. Such doomsday echoes embedded in folk traditions may need fresh critical revaluations in ecosophical analyses of oral narratives. Hence, translation of these tales becomes ethically necessary.

The revival of the folktales of Tripura through transcriptions and translation into a commonly intelligible language is no mean a task. It has an ethical function which gradually might become indispensable to the realization of a global ecological objective. It is this function which Raymond Williams called residual:

By residual I mean something different from the ‘archaic’, though in practice they are often very difficult to distinguish. Any culture includes available elements of its past, but their place in the contemporary cultural process is profoundly visible…the ‘residual’, by definition, has been effectively formed in the past, but it is still active in the cultural process, not only and often not all as an element of the past, but as an effective element of the present. (Williams, 1977, p.122).

Our journey towards more and more sophisticated and digitally equipped culture of late capitalism is a one-way movement, the costs of which have compelled us to seek refuge in the residual. Folk offers us a path adjacent to that highway, a path to an ecosophical understanding of life – the same building block of the organic world which we are desperately seeking in interstellar space. It is in this context that the folktales chosen for study from the oratures of Tripura, and by extension, other regions of India’s Northeast, may be read as ecosophies in practice. They inspire new ecological thoughts and inspire “affective encounters” through which reciprocity is activated between man and his surroundings on this planet (MacCormack, and Gardner, 2018, p.11). Besides, Aranye Fradenburg Joy’s concept of “care” as a transformative practice can also be encouraged as a therapeutic strategy to heal the sores and scars that humans have perpetrated on both themselves as well as the entire ecology by extension. In her essay “Care of the Wild: A Primer,” Fradenburg provides a radical reassessment of the function of art and aesthetics, weaning all of us away from the conditional world of critical theory – heavily and parasitically dependent upon late capitalist terms of reference. Her proposition of the true function of art once again ignites the flames of affect-centric critical practices, and is of particular relevance to non-anthropomorphic studies of folk literatures across the globe. “Care” becomes in the hands of the literary critic, a tool for new becomings and embodiments. She observes:

All artfulness requires, and aims to design and sustain attention. It therefore has the potential to modify sensation and the functional architecture of the brain. The art’s striking and broad ranging use of sense perception (of synesthesia, ekphrasis, energeia) suggests that the arts heal because they transmit and amplify sentient experience, within and without the organism…the arts practice ecological thought, because they invite, focus on and potentially sustain shifts in awareness and perspective and new (material) connectivity. The arts ‘care’ in part by changing embodied minds (Fradenburg, 2018, p. 72).

It may be mentioned here that Fradenburg’s analysis of care is heavily drawn from Gregory Bateson (1972, as cited in Fradenburg, 2018) who proposes a new “ecology of the mind”. Fradenburg’s theory of care may open up new vistas for the understanding of folk literatures in the twenty-first century, initiating a paradigm shift from all anthropological interpretations of the subject; in that, new connections may be rebuilt to sensitize folk researchers on the power of affective encounters between humans and their eikos. Aesthetics of folk may hence be studied through “embodied, extended and distributed cognition” (Fradenburg, 2018, p. 71). Old binaries of mind-body, organism-environment, and matter-thought, may hence be done away with, looking forward to a new psychoanalytic practice in which “mind is now understood to be ‘distributed’ well past the brain, the nervous system and even the body…” (Fradenburg, 2018, p.71).

Fradenburg further observes that among the great apes, human beings are particularly good at pro-social acts like food-sharing, child-care, care for the sick, injured and elderly, and teaching. “We are cooperative breeders, meaning that the responsibility for child care does not fall exclusively on the mother but is spread out to husbands, siblings, grandparents, friends, and so on, with, of course, significant variations in the ways responsibility is shared (Fradenburg, 2018, p.73). This, as she suggests, may be extended further to include the eikos, if we at all look forward to a progressive vision of civilization.  The folktales analyzed in this study may open up new encounters of care in which expressivity may be reconceived as a “dynamic and transformative movement, so that thinking, acting and caring can function as co-constitutive forces and powers for the sustenance of a healthy territorial life” (MacCormack, and Gardner, 2018, pp. 12-13).

A spate of recent events reported on the media, with which the present study begins, on the territorial encroachments of wild animals from their habitats and enclosures, poses uncanny and menacing questions on the way we have trespassed the prospects of a healthy territorial life. Within a span of not less than a week after the events mentioned in the introduction to this study, another set of bizarre incidents of aggressive monkey revenge unleashed upon street-dogs and human infants in a Maharashtra village, grabbed headlines in the print and electronic media. Once again, territoriality came into question, invoking action on the part of civil and forest authorities. Folktales and their ecosophical subtexts often remind us of the need to connect once again to the residual elements of culture. They remind man of the importance of co-habiting with other species in a world which is staring at an impending ecological holocaust.

Declaration of Conflicts of Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest.

Funding
No funding has been received for the publication of this article. It is published free of any charge.

Acknowledgement 

Featured Image: “Cloud train in the jungle valley” – Wikimedia Commons by Barunghosh.

References:

Bateson, Gregory. (1972). Steps to an Ecology of Mind. Ballantine.

Bongcher, Zohming Thanga, & Bongcher, Kamal. (Eds). (2011). Echoes from Lungleng Tang: Bongcher Literature of Oral Tradition. Sahitya Akademi.

Chakma, Niranjan. (Ed). (2013). Chakma Folk and Modern Literature. Sahitya Akademi.

Chaudhury, Kriari Mog., & Chaudhuri Saroj. (Eds). (2012). Mraima Folk Tales and Folklores. Sahitya Akademi.

Deleuze, Gilles & Guattari, Felix. (2005). A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. (Brian Massumi, Ed. & Trans.). University of Minnesota Press. (Original work published 1980)

Fradenburg, Aranye Joy. (2018). Care of the Wild: A Primer. In P. MacCormack & C. Gardner (Eds.), Ecosophical aesthetics: art, ethics and ecology with Guattari. (pp. 65-94). Bloomsbury Academic. 

Guattari, Felix. The Three Ecologies. (2017). (Ian Pindar & Paul Sutton, Trans.). Bloomsbury. (Original work published 1989)

McCormack, Patricia & Gardner, Colin. (Eds). (2018). Ecosophical Aesthetics: Art, Ethics and Ecology with Guattari. Bloomsbury Academic.  

Morton, Timothy. (2010). The Ecological Thought. Harvard University Press.

Schechner, Richard. (1988). Performance Theory. Routledge.

Williams, Raymond. (1977). Marxism and Literature. Oxford.

Partha Sarathi Gupta, PhD, is an Associate Professor in the Department of English,Tripura University. His areas of specialization are Drama, Theatre Studies, Indian English Theatre, and Translation Studies. He has worked extensively with the Sahitya Akademi North East Centre for Oral Literature and Culture, Agartala, in translating folktales of ethnic communities of the region, viz. Bongcher, Mraima (Mog), Chakma and Tripura. His translations have all been published by the Sahitya Akademi in anthologies dedicated to each respective ethnic community.

Indigenous “People” in the context of the Right to Self Determination: A Critical Appraisal

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821 views

Mitul Dutta1 & Navin Sinha2
1Asst. Professor, School of Law, KIIT University, KIIT University, Bhubaneshwar, Orisha. ORCID id- https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6800-8469. Email: mituldutta@kls.ac.in.

2Asst. Professor, School of Business and Law, Navrachna University, Navrachna University, Vadodara, Gujarat. ORCID id- https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3086-3504. Email: navins@nuv.ac.in.

 Volume 13, Number 3, 2021 I Full-Text PDF

DOI: 10.21659/rupkatha.v13n3.32

Abstract

Under the international human rights regime, the right to self-determination is a right guaranteed to the groups of “people”. This right is one of the most controversial issues of international law as it comes into conflict with the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity of the states. There are various uncertainties associated with this right regarding the scope of the right and mode of implementation etc. The present article seeks to make an in-depth analysis of the claimants of the right and the uncertainties associated with the meaning of the term “people” in the context of the right to self-determination. The article encompasses, among other things, the right of indigenous people under various international instruments and how they interrelate to the right of self-determination.

Keywords: Right to self-determination, people, indigenous people.

 

Abstract Knowledge, Embodied Experience: Towards a Literary Fieldwork in the Humanities

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1K views

Nobonita Rakshit1 & Rashmi Gaur2

1Doctoral Student, Department of Humanities & Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology Roorkee, Roorkee, India. nrakshit@hs.iitr.ac.in, https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8584-862X

2Professor, Department of Humanities & Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology Roorkee, Roorkee, India, rashmi.gaur@hs.iitr.ac.in

 Volume 13, Number 3, 2021 I Full-Text PDF

DOI: 10.21659/rupkatha.v13n3.31

Abstract

The paper attempts to read the representation and (re)creation of Sundarbans into the narrative structure of the three works of Amitav Ghosh- The Hungry Tide (2004), Gun Island (2019), and Jungle Nama: A Story of the Sundarban (2021) through the idea of ‘literary fieldwork’ that the paper develops by putting these literary narratives in conversation with the fieldwork narratives. Drawing from Puri and Castillo’s (2016) concept of “humanities fieldwork” and Ghosh’s (2016) idea of sensuous recognition and identifying the literary texts as primary data for fieldwork, the paper brings home a new reading practice which here qualifies not only the role of Ghosh, the literary ethnographer but also the natives of Sundarbans who narrate their own testimonies of the place and their politics of survival. Their embodied experiences of Sundarbans are embedded with the author’s literary experiments in the texts to advance the place of fieldwork in literary studies and redefine the ideas of fieldwork in the humanities in general. In other words, the paper dwells upon the author’s creative response in portraying the difference between the abstract knowledge of the Sundarbans and the embodied experience of the place that offers literary fieldwork within which it accommodates the points of view of the author, the natives, and the readers and thus, changes the conventional practices of perceiving fieldwork in humanities.

Keywords: Sundarbans, literary fieldwork, humanities fieldwork, sensuous recognition, literary ethnography.

 

 

Carnivalesque, Liminality and Social Drama: Characterising the Anti-Structural Potential of Theyyam

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1.6K views

Raisun Mathew1 & Dr Digvijay Pandya2

1Doctoral Research Scholar, Department of English, Lovely Professional University, Punjab, India, Email: raisunmathew@gmail.com, orcid.org/0000-0003-3427-0941

2Associate Professor and Research Supervisor, Department of English, Lovely Professional University, Punjab, India, Email: digvijay.24354@lpu.co.in, orcid.org/0000-0002-5985-9579

 Volume 13, Number 3, 2021 I Full-Text PDF

DOI: 10.21659/rupkatha.v13n3.28

Abstract

The cultural and ritual performance of Theyyam in Northern Kerala, considered as a reflection of the war cry against the caste system and oppression, conducts subversion of the social hierarchy. The chosen deity by the performer for a transitory symbolisation expresses the collective outrage of the oppressed and exploited people. This research paper enquires about the anti-structural characteristics exhibited by the performance of Theyyam. In the context of Richard Schechner’s performance theory, it attempts to trace the characterisation of Mikhail Bakhtin’s carnivalesque, Victor Turner’s liminality and social drama in the transitional performance of Theyyam that mostly relies on interim separation and reintegration. The expression of antipathy to the hierarchy in Bakhtinian carnival, the anti-structural emphasis in Turnarian liminality, and the deconstructive-reconstructive stages in social drama elucidate the symbolic delineation of the performance of Theyyam. The analytical findings of the paper derived from the discussion of the three concepts reveal that the performance of Theyyam is rooted in its anti-structural characteristics. The performer is subject to continuous alteration in the identity that intermediates the idiosyncrasy between the deity and the human being. It symbolises the temporal transition from the oppressed to the equivalent status of the dominator that occurs as part of counter-culture, through status reversal and inversion.

Keywords: carnivalesque, liminality, performance studies, social drama, Theyyam.

Inscribing the Migratory History of Tea Plantation Labours of Assam: A Journey from Ignorance to Experience

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804 views

Pradip Barman

PhD, Deptt. of History, Rangapara College, Rangapara, Sonitpur, Assam. ORCID Id: 0000-0002-5125-918. Email: adipta2013@gmail.com

 Volume 13, Number 3, 2021 I Full-Text PDF

DOI: 10.21659/rupkatha.v13n3.23

Abstract

The tea garden labours of Assam have an absorbing history of their own. They were imported to Assam from various parts of Bengal, United Province, Central Province, Madras, etc. At the time when they were facing economic hardships in their day-to-day life, the agents of the tea planters of Assam visited those areas and tempted them with plenty of facilities and economic incentives. Believing the false promises of these dishonest agents, these innocent people decided to follow them to get relief from economic deprivation and reached Assam. Thus, the process of importation of labour into Assam started and gradually their number was increasing year by year. But as soon as they left their native place, they met with adversity and it was increasing day by day. On their way to Assam also, many of them died of various diseases and eventually when they arrived in Assam, they were subjected to inhumane conditions. No one was known to them and unhealthy food and unhygienic habitation added further misery. On many occasions, they were even physically assaulted which increased their mental instability. Despite this, they gradually adopted themselves in Assam and started to treat Assam as their land. Now, the tea garden labour community of Assam is a part and parcel of Assamese society and in politics also they have been performing a major role.

 Keywords: Migration, Labour, Tea, Importation, Misery

History, Memory and Legend: Contextualizing Joymoti Utsav in Assam

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826 views

Suranjana Barua1 & L David Lal2

1Assistant Professor in Linguistics, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Information Technology Guwahati, Bongora, Guwahati, Assam, India. Corresponding author. Email ID: suranjana@iiitg.ac.in

2Assistant Professor in Political Science, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Information Technology Guwahati, Bongora, Guwahati, Assam, India. Email ID: david@iiitg.ac.in

 Volume 13, Number 3, 2021 I Full-Text PDF

DOI: 10.21659/rupkatha.v13n3.22

Abstract

This paper traces the inception, emergence and relevance of the celebration of a historical figure of Assam – Joymoti – as the Joymoti Utsav (Joymoti Festival). With the first attested public celebration of the festival in Upper Assam in 1914, Joymoti Utsav was a landmark public celebration on multiple counts. Firstly, it created a feminist and nationalist consciousness in the region through its celebration of Joymoti – an Ahom princess; secondly, it marked public support to celebration of an ideal female figure whose qualities and character women were encouraged to aspire to; thirdly, it followed and also spearheaded a socio-cultural movement that found expression in literature and arts including the first Assamese movie Joymoti in 1934; fourthly, it brought together people and organizations in the making of a legacy that gave direction to the feminist movement in Assam thereby establishing it as a major socio-cultural feminist festival of Assam. This paper traces the emergence of this iconic festival in Upper Assam, its role in establishing feminist ideals, carving out a distinct regional history and nurturing national sentiment, its depiction in various literary genres of the 20th century and the current relevance of the festival in Assam. In doing so, the paper locates Joymoti Utsav in a socio-historical perspective in the context of Assam while crediting it with creating a feminist consciousness in the public discourse of early twentieth century Assam.

Keywords: History, Memory, Joymoti Utsav, Feminist Consciousness, Assam Nationalism.

Victimhood, Health Challenges and Violent Restiveness in Blood and Oil: Music, Characterization and Colours as Metaphors

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661 views

Uche-Chinemere Nwaozuzu1, Adebowale O. Adeogun2, Cindy Ezeugwu3, Alphonsus C. Ugwu4 & Emeka Aniago5

1Associate Professor, Theatre & Film Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria

2Senior Lecturer, Music, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria

3Lecturer, Theatre & Film Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria

4Lecturer, Mass Communication, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria

5Senior Lecturer, Theatre & Film Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria. ORCID iD: 0000-0003-3194-1463. Email: emeka.aniago@unn.edu.ng 

 Volume 13, Number 2, 2021 I Full-Text PDF

DOI: 10.21659/rupkatha.v13n2.36

 Abstract

This study examines the aesthetics, efficacy, and propriety of the embedded metaphors in characterization, music, and colour application as creative vision in projecting victimhood atmosphere around traumatized Niger-Deltans due to many years of deprivation in Blood and Oil. Thus, this study explains how Blood and Oil represents a credible narrative, subsuming polemics of environmental degradation, health misery, massive unemployment, subjugation, and violent restiveness in Niger Delta due to poor political leadership, greed, and corruption. On creative vision, we are discussing how the ingenious application of characterization, music, and colour combined effectively in creating an enduring mood for the scenes in the film as channels of accentuating intended messages. To add relevant scholarly rigor, we applied victimhood theory and interpretive discuss approach to create relevant and lucid insights regarding the inclinations and actions of select characters in the film as well as analysis of relevant secondary texts. In the end, we deduce that the apt portrayal of Niger-Delta oil communities’ extensively degraded and polluted environment validates the reality of anguish and victimhood because of the massively diminished fishing and farming prospects. Lastly, the implication of this scenario is increased unemployment, psychological distress, diseases, and violent restiveness which have reduced enormously the wellbeing of Niger Delta inhabitants.  

Keywords: crude oil, health concerns, Niger-Delta, Nollywood, restiveness, victimhood

Mapuche cosmovision and territorial rights: An interdisciplinary approach to understand the conflict of Wallmapu, Chile

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1.3K views

Ranjeeva Ranjan1, *, Alexis Castillo2 & Karla Morales3

1, * Asssitant Professor, Faculty of Educational Science, Universidad Católica del Maule, Talca, Chile. Email: ranjan@ucm.cl

2Researcher, Centro de investigación y estudios avanzados del Maule, Universidad Católica del Maule, Talca, Chile.

3Asssitant Professor, Centro de investigación y estudios avanzados del Maule, Universidad Católica del Maule, Talca, Chile.

 Volume 13, Number 1, 2021 I Full Text PDF
DOI: 10.21659/rupkatha.v13n1.17

Mapuche cosmovision and territorial rights: An interdisciplinary approach to understand the conflict of Wallmapu, Chile

Abstract

The indigenous population of Latin America has been suffering from a sense of alienation since the arrival of Columbus in 1492 who referred to this land as “Nuevo Mundo”. There is a long history of environmental exploitation in Chile which has severely strained the relationship amongst the Mapuche community, the State and private entities (hydroelectric and timber industry). Although this conflict seems to be economic-productive associated with land, wherein land attains a “tangible material good”, in the Mapuche cosmovision, land (Mapu means land in Mapudungun, the language of Mapuche) acquires a connotation of “intangible material and immaterial good”. There is a profound imperceptible connection between nature and Mapuche and their traditions and culture are strongly rooted in the land. The industrial expansion has promoted a series of negative externalities like habitat fragmentation, loss of native forest, biodiversity reduction, water availability, etc. These affect the “idiosyncrasy” of this community (Mapuche-Nature relationship) and loss of their land could represent an identity loss. The Chilean indigenous policy appears to be inadequate and fail to recognize the socio-cultural and territorial rights for all indigenous peoples, including Mapuche, given the multidimensionality of the land under the indigenous cosmovision. The socio-political measures imposed by the Chilean government until now to make their life “modern” boomeranged alienating them further from society. This paper proposes to look at the territorial rights of the Mapuche with an interdisciplinary approach and focuses on developing the conceptual framework of Mapuche cosmovision of land and territory. The study follows a brief analysis of the historical context of the territorial conflict between the Chilean State and the Mapuche people and how the implementation of national and international normative framework on indigenous rights has not been effective in resolving this territorial conflict. The study tries to synthesize and talks about integrating the Mapuche land cosmovision in the socio-political discourse and be considered while formulating any land policy involving Mapuche and other indigenous peoples inhabiting in Chile in future. The discussions and analysis have been carried out through a comprehensive literature review and integrate an interdisciplinary approach to look at this issue, both from the philosophical perspective and from the socio-political policy framework of government.

Keywords: Mapuche, Wallmapu, Territory, Social alienation, intangible material, Chile