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The Corporality of Trauma and Testimony: Nora Okja Keller’s Comfort Woman

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Khushboo Verma1 & Nagendra Kumar2

1PhD candidate, Department of Humanities & Social Sciences, IIT Roorkee, India. Email Id: kverma@hs.iitr.ac.in

2Professor, Department of Humanities & Social Sciences, IIT Roorkee, India. Email Id: nagendra.kumar@hs.iitr.ac.in

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022, Pages  https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.04

First published: June 18, 2022 | Area: Trauma Studies | License: CC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under Volume 14, Number2, 2022)
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The Corporality of Trauma and Testimony: Nora Okja Keller’s Comfort Woman

Abstract

The history of sexual violence taken into consideration for the present study goes back to the period of Second World War, where hundreds of thousands of young girls, euphemistically called the ‘comfort women’ from different Japanese colonies of the time like Korea, China, Philippines, Indonesia, and Taiwan, were abducted and rounded up by Japanese Imperial Army to provide sexual services to the Japanese soldiers at the military camps before and during the war. The most heinous acts of sexual violence, multiple gang rape, vaginal mutilation, venereal diseases and suicides are manifested in the testimonies and autobiographies of many former comfort women who after fifty years of silence finally found their voices to talk about their ordeal and the trauma they suffered. For the present work, Nora Okja Keller’s Comfort Woman (1997) is studied with a psychoanalytic lens to explore the traumatic history of the real comfort women or the victims of sexual violence. Further, the essay is divided into three other parts where in the first part, the significance of the survivors’ testimonies is investigated through Wendy S. Hesford’s essay “Reading Rape Stories: Material Rhetoric and the Trauma of Representation” (1999). The second part of the paper discusses the rise of trauma theory that has provided novelists with new ways of conceptualising trauma and has shifted attention away from the question of what is remembered of the past to how and why it is remembered charted out by Cathy Caruth’s 1996 published work, Unclaimed Experiences. And the final part is devoted to the transmission of intergenerational trauma as represented in fictional narratives studied through Anne Whitehead’s Trauma Fiction (2004).

Keywords: intergenerational trauma, sexual violence, comfort women, survivors’ testimonies.

“Certain kinds of trauma visited on peoples are so deep, so cruel, that unlike money, unlike vengeance, even unlike justice, or rights, or the goodwill of others, only writers can translate such trauma and turn sorrow into meaning, sharpening the moral imagination.”

Toni Morrison, The Source of Self-Regard: Selected Essays, Speeches, and Meditation.

  1. Introduction

In recent decades, there has been a noticeable surge in the scholarly works from different disciplines like psychology, sociology, and philosophy dealing with the aftermath of traumatic events, the impact of trauma on the survivors and also, the transmission of intergenerational trauma on the subsequent generations. The focus of this paper thus falls upon one such traumatic event which had long been ignored and denied space in the political discourse until the 1990s, the issue of forced sexual enslavement of hundreds of thousands of women, euphemistically called “comfort women”, from different former Japanese colonies like Korea, China, Philippines, Taiwan, Indonesia etc., by the Japanese Imperial Army during and before the Second World War and thereby the silence ensued even after the passage of several decades. The most heinous acts of sexual violence, multiple gang rape, vaginal mutilation, venereal diseases and suicides are manifested in the testimonies and autobiographies of many former “comfort women” who after fifty years of silence finally found their voice to talk about their ordeal and the trauma they suffered. For the present work, Nora Okja Keller’s Comfort Woman (1997) is studied from a psychoanalytic lens to explore the traumatic history of the real comfort women and the victims of sexual violence during armed conflicts. Through the analysis of the novel, selected for the purpose, this paper tries to implicate that the silence of the trauma is not only its manifestation but also becomes an instrument of its transmission to the others, especially the near ones of the survivors. And, it is only when this silence is broken, as can be seen in the novel, that their sufferings are embodied with meanings which subsequently prevent both their re-traumatizing and the further psychological harm to the later generations. So, before we delve deep into the traumatic lives of these “comfort women” and Keller’s portrayal of one such woman, it is important to carve out the most significant works that have been published around the theme of trauma.

In the third chapter of Beyond the Pleasure Principle (1920), Sigmund Freud describes a particular pattern inexplicably emerging in the lives of certain individuals from the battlefield (both the returning soldiers and the survivors of war) and their recurring nightmares and repetitive re-enactments of the traumatic past. Freud, in his work, argues that these nightmares are not representational or symbolic as could be misunderstood based upon his previous work of the “Pleasure Principle”, what they are, he says, is repetition. It brings an individual back to the situation of the traumatic past. So, both the nightmare and the awakening because of the nightmare are repetitions, repeating an event; the experience with death outside of the self. The nightmares turn the symbolic into the vehicle. The dream, instead of being the place where fantasy can be turned into symbolism that fulfils an unconscious wish, in this case, it serves the function of bringing back a traumatic encounter that was not fully assimilated or grasped as it first occurred, which is what we define as trauma; an event that breaks through the stimulus barrier of the psyche. Thus, the significant trauma experienced by the survivors of sexual violence during conflicts or genocides is not really manifested in the act of survival itself, rather it manifests much later after the occurrence of the event. Though Freud’s work is mainly associated with psychological studies, it is Cathy Caruth’s pathbreaking work, Unclaimed Experiences, first published in 1996, that has redefined the conceptualizations of the trauma theory which began with Freud’s psychic manifestations. Caruth, using Freud’s work, defines trauma as “a wound inflicted not upon the body but the mind, […] not locatable in the simple violent or original event in an individual’s past, but rather in the way that it is very unassimilated nature- the way it was precisely not known in the first instance- returns to haunt the survivor later on” (Unclaimed Experience 1996, 3-4). It is these delayed re-enactments and the often uncontrolled and destructive repetitiveness without the exposure of the survivor’s traumatic past, that give birth or create a new set of subsequent generations of trauma survivors. There has been a significant amount of research works available that trace the psychological effects of the trauma suffered by the genocide survivors of the Holocaust, but only a few in the literature that map the impact of the trauma of sexual violence and massive rapes committed against these “comfort woman” during the Second World War. Thus, it becomes the central focus of the present study to not only explore what happened to these women but, also to demonstrate what it means to live with such a traumatic past for fifty years in silence.

2. The Significance of Painful Testimony of the Former “Comfort Women”

There is very little testimonial literature available on the said subject because of understandable reasons. But since the first international recognition of the comfort women issue in 1992 and 1993, there are some women who have come forward with their painful testimonies from different countries like Korea, Philippines, Indonesia, Taiwan etc to testify in front of the world and expose the unspeakable truth about the state-sanctioned sexual slavery forced upon them by the Japanese Imperial Army beginning with the colonization until the end of the Second World War. The painful re-emergence of the trauma and traumatic memory at the time of giving testimony is expressed by many former “comfort women” who have confessed of their physical illness during the re-enactment of their ordeal in the act of speaking up: for example, Pak Du-ri explains, “Occasionally I meet visitors who want to hear about my ordeal. After these meetings I frequently suffer from severe headaches. Sometimes they become so bad I have to be hospitalized” (Schellstede 2000, 71); Kim Sook-Duk admits, “I still have nightmares. I then scream to wake myself up. Nowadays, people often come here to interview me about my life as a ‘comfort woman’. I cannot see them as often as I used to. My nightmares become worse after remembering the past at these interviews” (Schellstede 2000, 40); Yi Young-sook tells how when, “Occasionally people come to hear my story of a former ‘comfort woman’. I am reluctant to talk about it because it is my shameful, terrible past. Recollecting such a past is so emotionally draining” (Schellstede 2000, 101) (as quoted in “Nora Okja Keller’s Comfort Woman and the Ethics of Literary Trauma” by Deborah L. Madsen pg. 82).

Thus, these re-enactments and re-emergence of the traumatic memory in the survivors call upon the question of the significance of these testimonies: What is the need for these survivors to go back to that site of trauma and relive those painful experiences? What is the relation between telling and surviving? Also, how are we to make sense of the recollections of events in their testimony that are not without lapses or memory gaps? Analysing the importance of the “comfort women” testimonies, Yoshimi admits, “these testimonies, if we set aside lapses in memory and omissions concealing facts, are extremely important- not only because the information they contain does not exist in written form, but also because these intense experiences sometimes gave rise to strikingly vivid memories, and as the questions are repeated, facts and relationships that can only be narrated by those involved come to light. Only through these women’s testimonies can we discover the stark realities that never appear in military and government documents, reports, or statistics” (Comfort Women 1999, 100). Since the event we are discussing happened to these women almost five decades before their first revelation on the international stage, it is understandable to consider the abbreviations, contradictions and memory lapses reflected in the statement of these survivors as natural and humanly. At the same time, many trauma studies scholars notice that these testimonies serve the needs of both the survivors and the writers who take it upon themselves to painstakingly record the horrendous lives of these “comfort women” at the “comfort stations” as well as their traumatic events, in their both historical or fictional works. Dori Laub, in her exemplary study work on the theme of Testimony analyses the relation between telling and surviving for the Holocaust survivors which can also be applied to the “comfort women” issue. She reveals, “The survivors did not only need to survive so that they could tell their stories; they needed to tell their stories in order to survive. There is, in each survivor, an imperative need to tell and thus to come to know one’s story, unimpeded by ghosts from the past against which one has to protect oneself. One has to know one’s buried truth in order to be able to live one’s life.” (Laub 1995, 63). Laub also emphasizes the importance of the dialogical emergence of truth through these testimonies where the trauma survivors are finally “reclaim[ing] their position as witness” (Laub 1995, 70). It is through the retelling of their traumatic past at the “comfort stations” that these women try to embody their experiences with meaning, of the past that was not earlier understood as “crime” or human rights violations by the women themselves. Also, Wendy S. Hesford, in her essay, “Reading Rape Stories: Material Rhetoric and the Trauma of Representation” warns against the risk of identifying the testimonial narrative or autobiographies of survivors as the absolute truth, but simultaneously finely distinguishes as, “survivor narratives do expose oppressive material conditions, violence, and trauma; give voice to heretofore silent histories; help shape public consciousness about violence against women, and thus alter history’s narrative. Moreover, there is strong evidence that the process of telling one’s story and writing about personal trauma can be essential elements of recovery” (“Reading Rape Stories” 1999, 195). This element of recovery is highly influential when it comes to the act of speaking the unspeakable, the past that is not only broken through their traumatic memories but also which resurfaces in its new manifestations in the survivors much later when the reality of that event has already elapsed. The process of testifying in front of the world, about their horrific past which had been hidden for five decades, thus infuses meaning to their present identity, emboldening their present self away from the demeaning names they had been identified with by the Japanese soldiers at the camps.

3. The Silence around the Screaming Trauma 

Nora Okja Keller’s first novel, Comfort Woman (1997) has been critically appreciated as an exemplary work of Asian American literature which is the first and only book in its significance which deals not only with the powerful portrayal of a “comfort woman” but also brings out the imaginative broken lives of the second generations borne to these women if they may have had. Sandra Cisneros describes the novels as, “A beautiful first novel, lovingly written and lovingly told. Comfort Woman speaks eloquently for everyone who tries to imagine a parent’s past, who tries to piece together a history that involves as much as the dead as it does the living” (Comfort Woman 1997). It is also painfully expressed by many former “comfort women” in their testimonies that because of the atrocities and violence inflicted upon them during the armed conflict, they were unable to bear any children, several women faced vaginal mutilation, multiple abortions, venereal diseases like syphilis and many of them were left with torn bodies and injured wombs. The 83-year-old Park Young-Shim, in an interview, recalls her ordeal at the camp and reveals that she, after returning to her home country, had to undergo a few medical operations including the one where her womb had to be removed because of the indelible wound inside her body. She confesses that she still suffers from heart disease and nervous tension along with the all-encompassing and excruciating body pain. “I still wake up in the middle of the night when I recall the past nightmare,” admits Park. “I cannot die before they apologize to me and other comfort women.” (“Japan Boiled Comfort Woman to Make Soup” n.p).

In an interview with Asianweek in 2002, Nora Okja Keller describes how she stumbled upon the writing of her novel upon experiencing the testimony of a former “comfort woman”, Keum-ja Hwang at a University of Hawaii symposium on Human Rights in 1993, who inspired her to write about the ordeal as well as to pay tribute to the courage of these women to break the silence of fifty years. Her novel stimulates the issues of patriarchy, gendered structural violence, sexuality, colonialism and Japanese imperialism. The predominantly used term “comfort woman” is actually a euphemism used by Japanese soldiers, translated from Japanese ianfu and Korean wianbu, trying to give this whole system a deceptive image of women at the camps simply providing comfort to the wounded soldiers, but in reality, it was one of the most atrocious gendered sexual violence the world has ever seen. So, to use the same misleading and demeaning term for these women could be distasteful as expressed by Suzanne O’ Brien: “I place the terms ‘comfort women’ and ‘comfort station’ in quotation marks on first use to emphasize the fact that these terms themselves played a role in concealing and normalizing the violence used against these women. Many survivors explicitly reject the term ‘comfort woman’ (Translator’s Introduction).  However, Keller notes, “The suffering of the comfort women can represent both the suffering of Korean women and the nation of Korea itself. The term, given to them by the Japanese soldiers is a horrible euphemism; using the term as the title of my novel is meant to underscore the unjust irony” (“Nora Keller and the Silenced Woman: An Interview” 2002). Explaining her difficulty in writing this book, she says:

“But the topic was too big, I couldn’t even find the words to express how horrified I was, much less find the vocabulary to talk about the pain in this woman’s life. But her story took hold of me. I felt so haunted, I began dreaming about images of blood and war and waking with a start. Finally, I realized that the only way to exorcise these dreams and the story from my mind was to write them down. So, I got up one night and began to write bits and pieces of my dreams and the comfort woman’s words.” (Keller, 2002, n.p.).

The theme of silence is pervasive in Keller’s novel which leads to the specific trauma experienced by a “comfort woman” Akiko, which delves deep into her psyche every passing day since her escape from the camp, “slipping [her] into trances” (Comfort Woman 1997, p.2). This trauma, as argued before, not only manifests through the silence for her as a survivor but also transmits onto the second generation, her daughter Beccah, in the novel which shall be discussed in the latter part of the paper. The silencing, however, is not Akiko’s own choice as she says, “I know what I speak for, that is my given name. Soon Hyo, the true voice. The pure tongue. I speak of laying down for a hundred men- each one of them Saja, Death’s Demon soldiers- over and over until I died. I speak of bodies being bought and sold, of bodies that were burned and cut and thrown like garbage to wild dogs by the river” (1997, 195). But this silence is forced upon her by her American Missionary husband, Richard Bradley, who, like the patriarchal society which shames the rape victims and considers them taboo, continually reminds her to: “Put away perversity from your mouth; keep corrupt talk from your lips, or- ye shall be struck down!” (p.195). Extrapolating the value of turning these repressed memories into narration, van der Kolk and van der Hart assert, “Traumatic memories are the unassimilated scraps of overwhelming experiences, which need to be integrated with existing mental schemes, and be transformed into narrative language” (“The Intrusive Past: The Flexibility of Memory and the Engraving of Trauma” 1995, 176).

Although, most of the “comfort women” were forcefully rounded up by the Japanese Imperial Army, but there are instances where some women were sold by their own family members which is also the case of Akiko in the novel. She describes how, after the death of her parents, her sister had to pay for her own dowry to get married to a neighbour as, “they wouldn’t take her without a dowry. How they could buy cattle without any capital, they reasoned” (p.18). So, her sister sold her “like one of the cows” without the knowledge of the Japanese’ real intentions and was told that “the Japanese say there is enough work for anyone in the cities. Girls, even, can learn factory work or serve in restaurants. You will make lots of money” (p.18).

Keller’s novel portrays how the lack of reception of Akiko’s past experiences on her husband’s end re-traumatizes her even more in this familial structure. Richard, failing to let Akiko narrativize her traumatic memory, strikes her down: “Quiet! What if someone hears you speaking like this? The boys, the brothers? What if Beccah hears you? Think of how she would feel, knowing her mother was a prostitute” (p.196). The overt sexualization of an Asian woman by an American Missionary, the reflection of a dominant gendered ideology, has been rightly captured by Keller in the portrayal of Richard as a paedophile whose only intention to marry her is based upon his lust. As Akiko recalls later in the novel, “this is his sin, the sin he fought against and still denies: that he wanted me- a young girl- not for his God but for himself” (p.95). And the only way he could define Akiko’s harrowing past life as a “comfort woman” is as a “prostitute”. Keller, through subtle descriptions, suggests Akiko’s rape by her own Missionary husband, who not only silences her but contributes to aggravating her agony as a raped victim: “When he pushed me into the bed, positioned himself above me, fitting himself between my thighs, I let my mind fly away. For I knew that my body was, and always would be, locked in a cubicle at the camps, trapped under the bodies of innumerable men” (p.106). Due to her repressed trauma, Akiko engulfs herself in various imaginary and mythological spirits, visions, and hallucinations. Keller has beautifully portrayed the inner repressed psyche of a “comfort woman” using poetic language which justly captures the fragmentary, psychedelic, and spiritual world of her mind. Akiko, particularly, becomes obsessed with the spirit of one “comfort woman” called Induk, who “was the Akiko before [her]” in the camp (p.20). Through Induk, she delineates, to the readers, the horrific lives of these women at the ‘comfort stations’. Akiko recalls how, “One night she talked loud and nonstop. In Korean and Japanese, she denounced the soldiers, yelling at them to stop their invasion of her country and her body. Even as they mounted her, she shouted: I am Korea, I am a woman, I am alive, I am seventeen, I had a family just like you do, I am a daughter, I am a sister” (p.20). And this disobedience results into her brutal death: “Just before daybreak, they took her out of her stall and into the woods, where we couldn’t hear her anymore. They brought her back skewered from her vagina to her mouth, like a pig ready for roasting. A lesson they told the rest of us, warning us into silence” (pp. 20-21). Thus, in her representation of Akiko’s traumatic past, Keller maintains a sense of incomprehensibility without appropriating or risking the “truth” of the survivor’s trauma. As Cathy Caruth in her work, “Recapturing the Past”, argues, “The danger of speech, of integration into the narration of memory, may lie not in what cannot understand, but in that it understands too much” (“Recapturing” 1995, 154).

4. The Representation of Intergenerational Trauma

Brave Heart and DeBruyn suggest, specifically about the Holocaust, that there are “far-reaching implications” of trauma and argue that “wherever people are being decimated and destroyed, subsequent generations will suffer” (“The American Indian Holocaust” 1998, 71). In Comfort Woman, Keller captures the same implications that the offspring of “comfort women” survivors would have faced if any. Her novel renders a surreal time-flow between past and present, juxtaposing the narratives of both mother (interwoven with nightmares, myths and madness) and daughter (fraught with confusion and incomprehension) alternatively along with the subtle depiction of the transmission of intergenerational trauma. Through this novel, Keller fills the scholarly gap in writing down the potential traumatic lives of the second generation of the present sexual violence survivors, which is presented not without their own confused identities and helpless conditions. Keller presents some of the most pitiful moments in Beccah’s narratives as the latter tries to protect her mother in every way possible: “At Ala Wai Elementary, where I was enrolled, I was taught that if I was ever in trouble, I should tell my teachers or the police; I learned about 911. But in real life, I knew none of these people would understand, that they might even hurt my mother. I was on my own” (p.5). This hyper consciousness and apprehensive nature towards her mother eventually and gradually destroy her childhood. Initially, Beccah, with her naïve understanding as a young girl, attempts to normalize her mother’s madness saying, “Most of the time my mother seemed normal. Not normal like the moms on TV- the kind that baked cookies, joined the PTA, or who came to weekly soccer games- but normal in that she seemed to know where she was and who I was” (p.2).

However, as the novel progresses, the frightful manifestations of Akiko’s repressed traumatic psyche starts puzzling Beccah’s own psychological state that she, following her mother’s rituals, begins to starve herself for the guardian spirits, drinking “endless bowls of blessed water while my mother chanted and sprinkled the ashes of burnt incense stick on my stinking parts” (p.84). Robin Fivush, in her essay, “The Silenced Self: Constructing Self from Memories Spoken and Unspoken” asserts, “The transfer of silence [of the parents’ traumatic past], in effect creates disability in the second generation to construct a coherent narrative [which…] in turn, may lead to a fragmented sense of self, especially if the trauma occurs early in development before children have a stable self-concept or are able to construct a coherent narrative of a past without adult guidance” (Fivush 2004, 89). Fivush’s concept of a ‘fragmented sense of self’ is further expressed in Beccah’s words when she realizes that, “not only could [she] not trust [her] mother’s stories; [she] could not trust [her] own (p.34). This also echoes one of the most essential characteristics of inherited trauma maintained by Anne Whitehead as she asserts, “Trauma carries the force of a literality which renders it resistant to narrative structures and linear temporalities” (Trauma Fiction 2004, 5). In trying to understand her mother’s traumatic symptomatology, Beccah begins to associate herself more and more with her mother, reversing the role of a child to a nurturer:

Even at ten, I knew that I had become the guardian of her life and she the tenuous sleeper. I trained myself to wake at abrupt snorts, unusual breathing patterns. Part of me was aware of each time she turned over in bed, dreaming dreams like mini-trances where she travelled into worlds and times I could not follow to protect her. The most I could do was wait, holding the blue thread of her life while her spirit tunneled into the darkness of the earth to swim the dark red river toward hell. Each night, I went to the bed praying that I would not let go in my own sleep. And in the morning, before I even opened my eyes, I’d jerk my still clenched, aching hand to my chest, yanking my mother back to me. (p.125)

Akiko’s trauma not only re-visits her through her nightmares and traumatic memories but also gets transmitted onto Beccah through her behaviour and inhibitions. Replicating her mother’s actions, Beccah also scrutinizes her developing body and avoids feminine clothes, wearing only “large, oversize T-shirts, which I pulled toward my knees to flatten my breasts. The kids called me a “mini-moke” because I slunk around the playground rolling my hands into the front of my shirts and slouched over my desk like one of the big, tough boys” (p.83). This incident especially echoes Akiko’s trauma when she tells the readers of how she and her other counterparts at the “comfort stations”, “all tried to walk the same, tie [their] hair the same, keep the same blank looks on [their] faces. To be special there meant only that [they] would be used more, that [they] would die faster” (p.143). Akiko even tries to delay her daughter’s menstruation as she remembers her haunting memory of what it meant to attain puberty at the camps, of being feminine. She recalls “even though I had not yet had my first bleeding, I was auctioned off to the highest bidder. After that it was a free-for-all, and I thought I would never stop bleeding” (p.21). This “over-protectiveness” is also pointed out by Natan where she suggests that it manifests as excessive worrying and restrictions, preventing the child’s exposure to the outside world which could be viewed as threatening (“Second Generation” 1981, 13). Akiko’s disturbing experiences at the camp of sexual imprisonment, living in shame and trauma in silence for decades, being raped by as many as 30-40 soldiers a day, and the physical violence and sadistic experiments performed by the military physicians made her mind spiral into the madness which also begins to reflect in her daughter’s behaviour and activities to a lesser extent. Just like her mother’s intermittent fasting and consuming only spirit food, she also “began to feel the spirits fill [her] body, making [her] stronger, smarter, purer than [her] normal self. Each bite of the food tasted and tested by the Birth Grandmother and the Seven Stars seemed to ripen and bloom in [her] mouth, so that even one grain of rice, one section of orange, one strand of bean sprout, filled [her] to fullness” (p.85). Beccah also starts to envision the same spirits as her mother. She passionately informs her about the visibility of the spirit of Soja, The Death Messenger, to her mother, “He stinks, Mommy, with his bubbling skin, black and green, fermenting with pus! I wanted her to know that I saw him, as clearly as she ever did, and that I knew he was real” (p.44). This inherited trauma can also be seen in the more personal moments of Beccah with her boyfriend Max, where Beccah, after the lovemaking, muses, “My body smelled clean, electric like a rainstorm on the Ko`olaus” but is interrupted suddenly by her mother as she informs, “when I walked through the door, my mother yelled, “Stink poji-cunt!” and charged with a knife” (p.134). It is important to notice that this specific term ‘poji-cunt’ is used by the Japanese soldiers while raping the “comfort women” which still haunts Akiko. Unconscious of her mother’s past as a “comfort woman”, Beccah, vicariously adopts her mother’s trauma, although to a less threatening manner, and begins to perceive her relationship from her mother’s eyes, as she opines later:

I began to watch Max again. I discovered little things- the way he licked his top teeth before he smiled, the way his head lolled as if unanchored by his spine when he played the drums, the way his jaw slackened, then gaped when he slept- that started to bother me. And I begin watching the two of us making love, the way we groped and lunged, as from another’s eyes. As if from my mother’s eyes: When I finally told him it was over, I could not bear to look at him; his face, hovering so close to mine, seemed grotesque. (p.136)

Thus, imbibing her mother’s trauma, Beccah also reconstructs her relationship with Max, in her own eyes, from lovemaking to grotesqueness.

5. Silence Broken

In order to dismantle the further transmission of the parental trauma onto the children, Keller has most beautifully employed a medium of voice; a tape recorder that Akiko uses to break her silence about her horrifying memories as a “comfort woman” in the camps during the Second World War. Akiko manages to record her tapes in the form of singing before her death wherein she reveals the most traumatic violence subjected to her and other young women from different parts of Japanese colonies, she reveals:

Chongsindae: Our brothers and fathers conscripted. The women left to be picked over like fruit to be tasted, and consumed, the pits spit out as Chongsindae, where we rotted under the body of orders, we were beaten and starved. Under the Emperor’s orders, the holes of our bodies were used to bury their excitement. Under Emperor’s orders, we bled again and again until we were thrown into a pit and burned, the ash from our thrashing arms dusting the surface of the river in which we had sometimes been allowed to bathe. Under Emperor’s orders, we could not prepare those in the river for the journey out of hell” (p.93).

And just as the second generations of the Holocaust survivors attempt to preserve the testimonies of their survivor parents by different media “to fill in the gaps in their own memory and identity”, outside the familial structure (“Trauma and Telling” 2016, 29), Beccah also “rummaged through the kitchen cabinets for paper and pen, wanting to write down [her] mother’s song” (p.192). The act of bearing witness to a survivor’s testimony is powerfully played out in the novel where Beccah is shown, not merely listening to the testimony of her mother, but she also partakes in assigning the meaning to Akiko’s heretofore silenced trauma of her past as a “comfort woman”: “Chongsindae. I fit the words into my mouth, syllable by syllable, and flipped through my Korean-English dictionary, sounding out a rough, possible translation: Battalion slave” (p.193). The dual nature of bearing witness by Beccah is further explained by Dori Laub as she says,

“The emergence of the narrative that is being listened to- and heard- is, therefore, the process and the place wherein the cognizance, the “knowing” of the event is given birth to. The listener is, therefore, a party to the creation of knowledge de novo. The testimony to the trauma, thus, includes, its hearer, who, so to speak, the blank screen on which the event comes to be inscribed for the first time” (“Bearing Witness” 1992, 57).

Beccah also finds a scrap of papers inadequate to historicize the testimonial truth of her mother, “needing a bigger canvas”, she strips off the bedsheet, “laid it on the living room floor in front of the speakers, pressed Play on the recorder, and caught [her] mother’s words” (p.192).

It is also interesting to note that Keller has provided Beccah with a profession of a recorder of the lives of the dead, a writer of the obituary, but, as the time comes for her to write her own mother’s obituary, she realizes, “as [she] held a copy of her death certificate in [her] hand, [she] found that [she] did not have the facts for even the most basic, skeletal obituary. And [she] did not know how to start imagining her life” (p.26). Thus, for her discovering the hidden truth about the history of her mother as a “comfort woman”, “listening to her accounts of crimes made against the woman she could remember, so many crimes and so many names” (p.194) also parallels, in Keller’s own words, “the world’s discovery of the stories of comfort women. They will not die unknown and unrecognized, lost in history” (“An Interview” 2003, 155).  Beccah, thus, has a three-fold function to play in the novel, first, she becomes the target of the transmission of an intergenerational trauma visited upon by her mother, second, she becomes an important instrument for witnessing the testimony of a “comfort woman” survivor, in this case, her mother, and third, she is portrayed as a preserver of these memories, probably for the future generations or the world to break the silence around the Comfort Women problematic. And it is only after her mother’s silence is broken through the cassettes that Beccah could break the shackles of her own trauma as she expresses at the end of the novel,

“I opened my mouth to drown, expecting to suck in heavy water, but instead I breathed in ai, clear and blue. Instead of ocean, I swam through sky, higher and higher, until dizzy, with the freedom of light and air” (p.213).

6. Conclusion

Keller, in a way, through her literary imagination in the novel, justifies the significance and representation of the fictional stories of many such “comfort women” and their testimonies. Although, taking the very nature of incomprehensibility and inexpressibility of trauma into consideration, the novel evokes a sense of paradox or contradictions as expressed by Whitehead in her work, Trauma Fiction, as “if trauma comprises an event or experience which overwhelms the individual and resists language or representation, how then can it be narrativized in fiction?” (Introduction to Part I 2004, 3). However, it is only through the ability of novelists like Keller in fictionalizing and symbolizing a trauma narrative that can help create a safe space wherein the experiences of survivors, specifically “comfort women” survivors, “appear to defy understanding and verbalization, that concern existential dimensions of the human condition- especially threatening experiences of vulnerability or mortality- can be explored from multiple perspectives” (“Theorizing Trauma” 2013, 3). Literary trauma narratives often work through this crucial paradox that defines trauma narratives in general, where it becomes a medium through which presenting the unpresentable is attempted, the unspeakable is spoken and which resists the comprehension and remembering is narrated. As Geoffrey Hartman agrees, “literary verbalization, however, still remains a basis for making the wound perceivable and the silence audible” (“Trauma” 2003, 259).

In the novel, Keller depicts that the traumatic memories, which surround and haunt Akiko in her entire life, are unconsciously further transmitted to her daughter as the offspring of a warfare sexual violence survivor, and are only exorcised when this silence is broken through the cassette tapes. This mirrors the second-generation survivor of Bay Area genocide, Deborah A. Miranda’s expressions from her memoir, who while grappling with her own personal trauma, admits, “I thought perhaps the cure was telling. Then I thought the cure was telling the truth. Now in the cool of dawn, I think to myself, maybe it’s each woman telling her truth in a language forced from every knife ever held to her throat, or wielded in self-defence. It’s not about destruction or forgetting, but transformation” (Bad Indians 2012, 118). It is only after Beccah becomes aware of her mother’s traumatic past that she could make sense of the strange world and the otherworldly visions of spirits her mother used to live in. This move from silence to revelation also further helps break the continued chain of the transmission of trauma from one generation to other. And acknowledging the trauma that resides in her and her mother’s life, she effectively attempts to transform what Murray would call, “the traumatic memory into a memory of trauma- one that remembers the trauma and the damage that is caused but can no longer continue to harm the generations that follow” (“Trauma and Telling” 2016, 54).   In singing the names of the women who suffered at the hands of Japanese soldiers and recording the horrific memories of hers and others’ lives as “comfort women” in the Japanese military camps during the Second World War, Keller has shown Akiko to be a very powerful political agent who finally transforms herself into a writer of an almost erased historical truth. This parallels the powerful moments of the real “comfort women” at the time of their testimony who, after a long five decades of silence, finally found the courage and voice to speak about their ordeal in front of the world.

References

Brave Heart, M. Y. H., & DeBruyn, L. M. (1998). The American Indian Holocaust: Healing Historical Unresolved Grief. American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research: Journal of the National Center. 8.2: 56-78.

Caruth, C. (2010). Unclaimed Experiences: Trauma, Narrative and History. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins             University Press.

Caruth, C. (1995). Recapturing the Past: Introduction. Trauma: Explorations in Memory, Baltimore: Johns            Hopkins UP. Vol.151, 151-57.

Felman, S., & Laub. D. (1992). Bearing Witness, or the Vicissitudes of Listening. Testimony: Crisis in Witnessing in Literature, Psychoanalysis, and History. New York: Routledge. 57-74.

Fivush R. (2003). The Silenced Self: Constructing Self from Memories Spoken and Unspoken. In Denise R. Bieke et al. (Eds.), The Self and Memory. New York: Psychology Press, 75-93.

Freud, S. (1920). Beyond the Pleasure Principle. In The Standard Edition of Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, London: Hogarth. Vol.18, ch.3.

Hartman, G. (2003). Trauma withing the Limits of Literature. European Journal of English Studies 7.3: 257-74.

Jeyathurai, D. (2010). Intergenerational Transmission of Trauma in Nora Okja Keller’s Comfort Woman. Asian Journal of Women’s Studies. 16:3, 62-79, DOI: 10.1080/12259276.2010.11666092

Keller, N. O. (1997). Comfort Woman. USA: Penguin Group.

Keller, N. O. (2002). Asianweek http://www.asianweek.com/2002_04_05/arts_keller.html

Lee, Chang-ree. (1999). A Gesture of Life. New York: Riverhead Books.

Lee, Y. O., & Keller, N. O. (2003). Nora Okja Keller and the Silenced Woman: A Interview. Speech and  Silence: Ethnic Women Writers. London: Oxford University Press. Vol. 28, No.4, 145-165.

Laub, D. (1995). Truth and Testimony: The Process and the Struggle. In Trauma: Explorations in Memory, ed. Cathy Caruth, 61-75. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.

Madsen, D. L. (2007). Nora Okja Keller’s Comfort Woman and the Ethics of Literary Trauma. Concentric, special issue: Ethics and Ethnicity, ed. Shirley Lim. 33. 2, pp. 81-97.

Miranda, D. A. (2012). Bad Indians: A Tribal Memoir. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Morrison, T. (2019). The Source of Self-Regard: Selected Essays, Speeches, and Meditations. New York: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group.

Murray, J. (2016). Trauma and Telling: Examining the Intergenerational Transmission of Trauma Through Silence. MA Thesis, Florida Atlantic University, Boca Raton, FL.

Natan, T. (1981). Second Generation Holocaust Survivors in Psycho-social Research. In Dapim Leheker Tkufat Hashoa. 2: 13–26. (In Hebrew)

O’Brien, S. (1999). Translator’s Introduction. In Comfort Women: Sexual Slavery in the Japanese  Military During World War II by Yoshiaki Yoshimi. New York: Columbia University Press. 1-21. 

Park, T. (1997). A Gift of the Emperor. Duluth: Spinsters Ink.           

Soh, C. S. (2008). The Comfort Women: Sexual Violence and Postcolonial Memory in Korea and Japan. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Schellstede, S. C. (2000). Comfort Women Speak: Testimony by Sex Slaves of the Japanese Military. New York: Holmes & Meier.

Schönfelder, C. (2013). Theorizing Trauma Romantic and Postmodern Perspectives on Mental   Wounds. In Wounds and Words. Germany: Transcript Verlag. 27-86.

Stetz M., & Oh B. B. C. (2015). Legacies of the Comfort Women of World War II. London and New York: Routledge.

Van der Kolk, B., & Van der hart, O. (1995). The Intrusive Past: The Flexibility of Memory and the Engraving of Trauma. Trauma: Explorations in Memory, ed. Cathy Caruth, Baltimore & London: Johns Hopkins University Press. 158-171.

Whitehead, A. (2004). Introduction to Part I. Trauma Fiction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 3-11.

Khushboo Verma is a Research Scholar in the Department of Humanities & Social Sciences at IIT   Roorkee, Uttarakhand, India. Her research concentrates on War Crimes Against Women during WWII. Her ORCID is 0000-0002-0288-2647.

Nagendra Kumar is a Full Professor of English in the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, IIT Roorkee, Uttarakhand, India. He specializes in English Language, Literature and Communication Studies. Besides publishing a widely reviewed book he has published research papers in reputed, Scopus and Web of Science indexed journals. He has delivered invited lectures and plenary talks in dozens of FDPs around the country and has successfully conducted around 15 AICTE/TEQIP Sponsored Short Term Courses and Workshops on various aspects of teaching pedagogy, Soft Skills, Communication and Culture. He has been the recipient of Outstanding Teacher Award of IIT Roorkee for the year 2015.

An Identity Born Out of Shared Grief: The Account of Rambuai in the Contemporary Mizo Literary Texts

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Zothanchhingi Khiangte
Department of English, Bodoland University, Kokrajhar, Assam, India. ORCID: 0000-0001-8225-0326. Email: zothanikhiangte@yahoo.com

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022, Pages 1–15. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne11

First published: June 09, 2022 | Area: Northeast India | License: CC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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An Identity Born Out of Shared Grief: The Account of Rambuai in the Contemporary Mizo Literary Texts

Abstract:

Anthony David Stephen Smith’s definition of nationalism as a feeling of “intense bond of solidarity”, when applied to contemporary Mizo nationalist consciousness, is a bond born not out of pre-historic kinship but of shared grief and a spiritual anchor in Christianity. The MNF movement for self-determination, which began with half-hearted support from the people spiraled off into the most violent and darkest period in Mizo history known as Rambuai  (1966-1986) which, when translated into English, means ‘troubled land’. The human experience of this period has been a subject of Mizo literature. Three works of fiction— Nunna Kawngthuam Puiah (1989), Silaimu Ngaihawm (2012) and Zorami: A Redemption Song (2015) are among the best literary representations of human suffering in the troubled land. These works will be used as textual bases upon which the role of religion and spirituality in bringing about a reconciliation and healing can be studied. The paper examines how the rambuai memories construct the Mizo identity that relies on forging connections between religion and a heroic cultural past.

Keywords: Rambuai, Mizo, identity, reconciliation, memory

The Mizo National Front was formed in 1961 with sovereignty as its declared objective. The ‘call for independence’ against the Indian government was preceded by the Mautam1 Famine (1960). The MNF declaration has been commonly seen as the culmination of Mizo nationalist sentiment that had been in the making for long (Nibedon, 2013; J.V Hluna and Tochhawng, 2012). The Mizo political consciousness developed since the nineteenth century when the Mizos came into contact with the British Raj. Although the present study aims to focus on how the collective experience of pain during Mizo Movement, as recounted in literary texts, has shaped the Mizo consciousness in contemporary times, it seems pertinent to take a historical detour to arrive at a better understanding of the subject under study.

The British expedition of the Lushai Hills2 was a result of the regular raids conducted by the tribesmen on the plains of Assam and so the objective was to teach the raiders a lesson. It however proved to be a difficult task to bring the people who inhabited the Lushai Hills under control. It took more time than to conquer the subcontinent (Nibedon, 1980, p.171).  Therefore, it was thought wiser to bring in the missionaries who would ‘civilise’ them through religion and thereby enable the British administrator to conquer them culturally and morally (Sajal Nag, “Folk Intellectual Tradition for Resistance: Invention of Traditions and Lushai Counter to Cultural Colonialism in North East India, 1904-1911”, pp.1-2). And since the land was not considered to be economically very lucrative, as is obvious from the report of Major Anthony Gilchrist McCall, the colonial experience in the Lushai Hills was quite different from that in other parts of India. The colonial intent was to be seen as a paternal figure of authority rather than as an invader who must be resisted at all cost. Therefore the image of the white man as a self-sacrificing figure who has come to enlighten the people with his religion and education is more predominant in the Mizo perception of the British Raj. The British policy thathelp must therefore be at a sacrifice, spiritual and financial, the latter at any rate in the beginning, from those who control its destiny” ensured that “control at such cost will be welcomed, not resisted as domination and exploitation” (Mc Call, 1977).

Although the British encounter may not be seen as the catalyst to the Mizo ethno-nationalist consciousness, it did initiate two necessary elements for the act of ‘becoming’ a Mizo and these were- religion and vernacular literature. These, according to Adrian Hastings, are the integral and determinative elements for the construction of nationhood (1997, p.3).   The British annexation of the territories inhabited by the Mizos was soon followed by the arrival of Christian missionaries who synchronized the gospels with education. The two missionaries, JH Lorraine and FW Savidge who arrived in the Lushai Hills on January 11, 1894 formulated the Lushai alphabet  “A Aw B Ch” and made possible the development of vernacular literature. The translation of the gospels in Duhlian dialect, first initiated in 1896, made possible the adoption of a common language for the Mizos, who till then did not have a lingua franca because each clan had a different dialect or language variation. Not only did each clan have different languages but also different sakhua (loosely translated now as religion) and it was only after the adoption of Christianity that it became possible to overcome distinctions made on the basis of clans: “Besides the linguistic barriers, Christianity also overcame the establishment of separate villages and communities based upon clanship divisions. As different families and clans strictly observed particular sakhua, changing one’s sakhua was akin to cutting off one’s identity and risking the wrath of the family deities” (Dingluaia, 2018,p. 246). Thus literature and the new religion became important determinants in fostering a sense of kinship amongst the different clans. However, the nationalist consciousness that was brewing in different parts of India against the British did not quite reach the Mizos because of the fact that Lushai Hills was governed under a different administrative policy as ‘Excluded Area’, which kept the region and its people remain secluded and sequestered.

Therefore, it was not until the twentieth century postcolonial context that the people actually became aware of their distinctive identity- an identity defined by common cultural traditions, folklore and linguistic affinities- different from other communities. Based on such similarities and commonalities, the varied groups of people, who were once at war with each other, decided to come together and carve out a common identity under the nomenclature ‘Mizo’ or ‘Zo-fate’. In fact, the generic name ‘Mizo’ by which the people inhabiting the mountainous regions that later came to be named as Lushai Hills (in 1890-92) are now known was adopted only by the turn of the 20th century. Lushai Hills became named as Mizo Hills District within the state of Assam on 25th April, 1952.3 With a change in the political scenario of the country, there began a growing consciousness amongst the Mizos as to the need to preserve their cultural identity as a group distinct from others. A certain sense of the ‘we’ and ‘them’ was becoming more pronounced when faced with a gradually looming threat to Mizo cultural identity. Mizo language and traditions were steadily being abandoned by the younger generations who were becoming more exposed to other cultural groups. With the objective to safeguard the ethnic identity of the Mizos, the Mizo Cultural Society was formed in 1950 under the leadership of Laldenga, which was rechristened as Mautam Famine Front during the mautam famine and finally became the Mizo National Front.

It may be said that the Mautam Famine of 1960 provided Laldenga and his supporters the opportunity to express the dissatisfaction of the people against the Assam government and gave birth to the Mizo National Front, formed in 1961, with sovereignty as its declared objective. Although the Mizo nationalist uprising,  that began with only half-hearted support from the people, may be seen as a catalyst to the Mizo ‘nationalist becoming’, it lacked the ‘intense bond of solidarity’ Anthony David Stephen Smith identifies as crucial to the spirit of nationalism. It is, in fact, the experience of indescribable pain endured as a result of the uprising which has formed the “bond of solidarity” in the Mizo consciousness.

 K.C Lalvunga, who writes under the pseudonym of Zikpuii Pa, points out the lack of enthusiasm to the nationalist call for sovereignty in his  Nunna Kawng Thuam Puiah (1989) when he narrates that the elders chose not to object too harshly to the idea of sovereignty because they did not want to hurt the sentiments of the young men : “tlangval ho rilru tih nat loh nan independent chu an do tak duh lova…” (p.73) and that there were also some sections of the populace, especially the supporters of Mizo Union, who were ridiculing not only the call for sovereignty but also the very idea of distinct Mizo identity (p.74) but among the youth, a self-consciousness was definitely growing as a result of being “othered” by the dominant Assamese community. The novel Nunna Kawngthuam Puiah (1989) shares instances of the processes of ‘othering’ through the recollections of the protoganist , Chhuanvawra Renthlei, about his college days in Shillong:

“Once during our football match, some Assamese boys, inspite of knowing fully well that we could not speak Assamese, were stubbornly speaking to us in Assamese and gave all the instructions about the match in Assamese. Angered, Thansavunga replied, ‘Stop your bloody Assamese. I can’t understand’… ‘Why can’t you understand Assamese? Don’t you know it is a state language, you bloody fool?’” (p. 49).

Such instances have the potential to ignite deep passions, when repeated over a long time. Sanjoy Hazarika’s account of a young Mizo whose father was a Brigadier in the Indian Army reaffirms this sense of ‘othering’ that was present within the postcolonial Indian context:

When narrating about the Indian Army brigadier musing about his son, Sangliana, “The young man ‘loved’, he said, the idea of a homeland, taking up arms for it, of fighting against India, the juggernaut. Even in his travels to New Delhi and Calcutta and elsewhere in the country, he had felt the sting of discrimination and racial slurs despite being an army officer’s son, his family being part of the elite of their people. That sting continues to be felt by countless others from his state and their region decades later when they are snubbed, teased, abused and the women molested and groped in New Delhi and other parts of the Hindi heartland.” (2018, p.83).

Much as such observations like those of Nirmal Nibedon that “…deep in the Mizo psyche there persisted a sense of unfulfilment, a silent and sincere search for their identity and an effort to bring tremendous latent energy of their people back to a level of dignity and equality they had known before the invaders  [the British] had come” (1980, p.311) cannot be said to be totally untrue, the view that the colonial rulers were seen more as paternal figures also seems to hold much ground, as reflected in statements of prominent Mizo figures like K.C Lalvunga,  “As we look back, we are able to discern more clearly the changes the colonial rule had brought about. It is easy to blame the colonialism but we must remember that colonialism had brought with it a civilizing factor and Mizos are the true beneficiaries” (2013,p.99). However, a sweeping observation of the colonial encounter as being ‘beneficial’ ignores the fact that  the colonial masters, for their administrative convenience, had drawn boundaries where there was none and clubbed together regions which had very different cultural and political structures and historically had never shared affinity, and finally left behind an impossible mess for the new rulers to clear. Having said that, it is also a truism that the ‘pain and humiliation’ that produced the ‘intense bond of solidarity’ among the Mizos— the quintessential of ethno-nationalism— came not from the foreign invader but from their own countrymen. Malsawmi Jacob, in her discussion about her book Zorami(2015) with Jaydeep Sarangi, succinctly states, “the way I see it, the real subordination of the Mizo people was what the Indian Army did to them in the aftermath of the uprising. The deprivation of power and voice was also most acute then. The air raids and Army atrocities were hushed up. The people of Mizoram became voiceless victims. Yes, Zorami has spoken out for the people whose voice was stifled.”4

            The MNF movement for self-determination, which began with half-hearted support from the people had spiraled off into the most violent and darkest period in Mizo history known as Rambuai (1966-1986) which, when translated into English, means ‘troubled land’. This was the period which witnessed the 1966 aerial bombing of Aizawl that remains a blight in the nation’s history. Sanjoy Hazarika gives an account of the aerial bombing:

Four days after the rebel assault erupted on 1 March 1966, fighter jets of the Indian Air Force came screaming over Aizawl…Indian bludgeoning was not wholly unexpected by the MNF. It had believed that there would be retaliation but not the scale of the counter-strike that followed, which smashed and burnt villages, molested and raped women, virtually displaced the district’s entire population, destroyed property and tortured elderly men and youth. The violence was unprecedented in the history of India and its already nascent struggle against the pro-freedom group in Nagaland which had erupted over a decade earlier….The Rambuai had begun in real earnest with a campaign that, fifty years down the line, should make every Indian ashamed of the government and what it did to a civilian population during a time of conflict. (2018, pp. 96-98)

It was this historical catastrophe of the aerial bombing of Aizawl, now the capital city of Mizoram, that Jacob is referring to when she describes the post-bombing scene. Aizawl lay in shambles and those houses that survived the air-raids were burnt down. The experience of distraught citizens who begged for mercy and yet were denied human compassion is lucidly expressed in Zorami:

“His home…escaped the fire and was still standing after the air-raids. The Assam Rifles men came and burned it down. He stood at the door begging them to spare his home, but they pushed him aside and torched it, laughing loudly as the flames rose.” (2015, p.155)

The Mizo District was declared a “disturbed area” by the Government of Assam under the Assam Disturbed Area Act of 1955. Law and order was entrusted to the Indian army and though martial law was not officially declared, the army was armed with the draconian Armed Forces Special Power Act (AFSPA), 19585 and vide Rule 32 of the Defence of India Rules, 1962, they also proclaimed emergency in the area under article 352 of Indian Constitution (V.L Hluna &Tochhawng, 2012, p. xviii). Thus, the juridical order that governed a democracy was no longer valid to a people who were still part of the democratic country. Within the framework of the law is created what Agamben calls a ‘state of exception’ that “gives power to eliminate certain categories of citizens” (2005,p.1).  Agamben’s idea is developed from Carl Schmitt’s conceptualization of sovereign power as possessing the monopoly on the ability to decide on what calls for a state of exception, on what it considers as a threat to its integrity.

 Agamben, in his State of Exception, explains this concept of a “state of exception” under which the juridical order becomes invalid as “the legal form of what cannot have legal form” (p.1).  His idea of modern totalitarianism is significant to an understanding of how the state mechanism works in contemporary politics to wield control: “modern totalitarianism can be defined as the establishment, by means of the state of exception, of a legal civil war that allows for physical elimination not only of political adversaries but of entire categories of citizens who for some reason cannot be integrated into the political system” (p.1). In the face of threats, the ‘state of exception’ is seen as the dominant paradigm of government.  Agamben’s study of the “state of exception” becomes relevant when it comes to the state of affairs in relation to the AFSPA.  Under the “disturbed area” tag, the people of Mizoram became a  “category of citizens” who were governed by a state of exception in the form of the AFSPA : “The AFSPA under which the Army was operating in the Mizo Hills empowered officers to shoot even unto death where it was considered needed, requiring only that due warning be given as deemed necessary” (V.L Hluna & Tochhawng, 2012, p.161).  The people’s pleas for help fell on deaf ears and their sufferings were seen as a necessary consequence. In his reply to the plea against military outrages on innocent Mizo civilians, the Home Minister of India, Y. B. Chavan, in Delhi is reported to have said: “I have to punish my children severely if they behave badly” (Nibedon, 1980, p.118). The horrendous suffering undergone by the people is brushed aside by callous and lackadaisical observations such as “There must have been some amount of psychological suffering and physical torture when the villagers were asked to shift from places where they lived for ages. But of course, this cannot be escaped. Security is far more important than the bodily sufferings of some people” [emphasis is mine] (V. Venkata Rao quoted in Pachuau & Schendel, 2015, p. 308). Unfortunately, “the bodily sufferings of some people” have far reaching consequences that affect beyond the physical to the psychological and has the potential to affect generations.

            With overall responsibility of army operations given to Major General Sanghat Singh, the first battalion of Indian soldiers (the 8th Sikh Bn.) made their way into the Mizo Hills on the 3rd of March, leaving behind a trail of tears and cries of women that rent the air. The 4th of March, the day this battalion entered Kolasib, is reported to have been the single day with the highest incident of rape in the entire history of the hills (Hluna & Tochhawng, 2012, p.163).  It is important to note here that the advance of the troops was marked by ‘rape’ of the enemy women. It is pertinent to distinguish what happened in Mizoram from what happened in other war-torn regions, where rape accompanies atrocities of the armies. In Mizoram, military aggression began with rape and the army posts that surrounded the villages continued to represent sites of sexual aggression (Hluna & Tochhawng, 2012, p. 162) and it was brought to the notice of the Assam Assembly that not even children or pregnant women were spared from the sexual atrocities (Hluna & Tochhawng, 2012, pp.170-71).

Rape as a concomitant of war violence has to do with the demonstration of power to have the desired effect of terror, used as a military strategy. Since the Second World War, the use of rape as a weapon of war had assumed strategic importance. Yasmin Saikia’s statement in the context of Bangladesh War in 1971 can be applied in the NEI context as well, “Raping women in Bangladesh was a rite to assert the power of men’s ability to destroy the vulnerable and make it impossible for a woman to find a whole self after the war. Rape was a tool to destroy women’s link with the past. They were doomed to live without their collective memory; their personal history became a secret that could not be disclosed.” (2011, pp. 60-61).

There can be no clearer example of the sexualized aspect of military conflict than when the advancing human machines are utilized by the state to discipline and punish. Since patriotic honour is often tied with women’s sexual respectability, enemy women are often seen as legitimate targets of rape. The horror of rape has been described in varied ways as an intent to depersonalize the victim (Mertzger, 1976); as an attack that affects the victim’s physical but also psychological and social identity (Weis and Borges, 1973); and as a weapon of terror (Sheffield, 1987).

Though rape as an aspect of militarized conflict is the most painful, it is at the same time the most silenced because “the memories survive only in the private sphere and are dealt with as private matters by the victims’ families and often solely by the victim who hides in ‘shame’ (Saikia, 2011, p. 63). The ordeal of a rape victim, whose suffering is doubled by her need to hide the truth, is seen in Zorami when the narrator tells us that Zorami “kept her mouth shut”, “she never spoke out” because “such a thing is not for telling”. (p.43)  Zorami, who according to the author, is drawn as the ‘prototype’ of all victims who suffered the same kind of fate, “learned to be ashamed. And to keep quiet. So, she did not tell anyone about the bully. Neither did she tell about the dirty man with the dirty touch”.   (p.42)  Therefore, this aspect of terror inhabits the silenced zone of the private sphere and much as it caused psychological injury to the Mizos, it has not been able to share the same space as the other forms of military aggression whose memory has formed the ‘bond of solidarity’ in the Mizo consciousness. In the nationalist “becoming” of Mizoness persists, borrowing Yasmin Saikia’s phrase, “the hierarchy of men’s truth and women’s silences” (2011, p.12).

What has impacted the Mizo consciousness most is the brutal experience of the village re-grouping. The village re-grouping that was carried out in Mizoram and Nagaland was a military strategy that was modeled on colonial counter-insurgency methods of the British in the Boer War in South Africa (1899–1902) and later against communist insurgents from 1948-1960 in the Malay Peninsula to crush a Communist insurgency (Hazarika, 2018, p. 98; Pachuau and Schendel, 2015, p. 306). In Mizoram, it was done in full vengeance with an objective to break the Mizo spirit. According to Joy Pachuau and Schendel, the forced resettlement directly affected 87 per cent of Mizoram’s rural population and 82 per cent of its total population (2015, p. 308).  Margaret Ch. Zama and Vanchiau give the human dimension of what happened:

Horrendous military action was initiated whereby the inhabitants of villages located throughout the length and breadth of Mizoram, were herded overnight with just only a few hours notice, to leave their all except what they could carry, and have their beloved homesteads burnt to the ground before their very eyes” that made even “the elderly [cling] to their doorposts, weeping openly. (2016, p. 68)

Brutalities inflicted on a population become memories not only of the victims but also of those who were tasked with the duty. V.S Jaffa, who had to carry out the village grouping in Mizo Hills as the Addl. District Magistrate, recollects with regret: “The grouping exercise carried out over 1967-70 has left a huge scar in the Mizo psyche. The romance of the Mizo village life disappeared forever” (Nag, 2012, p.12). The feeling of desolation and helplessness is best articulated in a song composed by Suakliana in 1968 titled as “Khaw Sawikhawm hla” which is said to be the saddest song that could make its listeners weep openly when it was aired on the All India Radio, sung by Siampuii Sailo. The poet compares the entire population of Mizoram to a faded cloth and a riakmaw bird, homeless and hungry (Zama &Vanchiau, 2016, p.65).

It is recorded that, as part of the army atrocities, the security forces engaged in different forms of punishments, from putting their prisoners into sacks filled with burning hot chilies, forcing villagers to kneel in confined spaces for endless hours in the scorching sun or rainy nights to tying them to a changel tree (a species of banana plant) to be burnt alive (Hluna &Tochhawng, 2012, p. 162). The Mizos were dispossessed of their rights not only in terms of their citizenship in a democratic nation but as human beings. In the Assam Assembly debates, Gaurishankar Bhattacharyya described the sufferings endured by the Mizos as a result of the re-groupings in metaphors of the Holocaust, referring to the village groupings as ‘concentration camps’6. To be able to comprehend such an experience by the human imagination, according to Mbembe (citing Hannah Arendt), is  never possible “for the very reason that it stands outside of life and death” (2019, p.66) because as Mbembe puts it, “its inhabitants have been divested of political status and reduced to bare life” (p.66) and therefore it is a life with no parallels. And this place, which is created by the state, is “the ultimate expression of sovereignty” by the power invested in it “to dictate who is able to live and who must die” (pp. 66-67).

Sexual violence was the order of the day and as disgusting as it may sound, there are some who, like a certain Major Pritam Singh, indulged in extremities in pursuance of the horrid act and he was known to have kept a list of all his victims (Hluna&Tochhawng, p.163). In her historical narrative, Zorami, Jacob perhaps draws the character of Major Kohli from this figure: “The Major had fallen across the bridge with a forefinger on his revolver trigger. When they searched his pockets, they found a diary among other things” (p.132). When it was suggested that the diary should be preserved as a “memorial of vai (Indian) army’s dirty deeds” (p.133), the leader of the ‘ambush party’, Dina replied that it was better to “wipe it out” (p.133) and so the pages were torn out and burnt. The phrase ‘wipe it out’, when understood in terms of memory, suggests erasure. Given the unwillingness to “preserve” it in memory, and also because, as is pointed out in The Mizo Uprising, “a lot of Literature written before and during the years of Insurgency was burnt either by the soldiers or by the writers themselves…” (Hluna and Tochhawng, 2012, p.xii), it is not surprising when Margaret Ch. Zama and Vanchiau argue that Mizo writers have been ‘reticent’ about memories of the period for subjects of literary works. They imply that it is perhaps because of the pain being so hurtful that it becomes “inexpressible”, quoting Easterine Kire— “In the worst of the war years, the horror has taken us beyond words into silence; the deep silence of inexpressible pain” (2016, p. 66).

Although the memory of the rambuai seems to have imposed what Tom Segev calls a “posthumous identity” (1993, p.11) that has formed part of the cultural memory, the memories are disjointed or sometimes incoherent recollections as survivors try to remember after twenty-five years. They have kept their stories suppressed for so long not only because of fear but also perhaps because they were too raw and painful. Stories of those years are fragmented memories that “cannot be substantiated by written records on most accounts” because “for twenty years, the Mizo people had lived in fear of being branded as rebels, and for twenty years, they refrained from writing diaries, creative outpourings or records of experiences because of the dreaded soldiers who could not read the language were wont to brand them as “MNF documents” (Hluna & Tochhawng, 2012, p. xi). Such experience is dramatized by James Dokhuma in his novel Silai Mu Ngaihawm (2012) when the love letter sent by Sanglura to Ramliani falls into the hands of the Security Forces. Since the Indian soldiers are unable to read and understand the contents in the letter, they immediately brand it as an MNF document which provokes them to escalate their atrocities.

The state commemoration of the aerial bombing of Aizawl on the 5th of March, observed as Zoram Ni (Zoram Day) to commemorate the fateful day on which many innocent lives had been lost, started only since 2008, forty-two years after the attainment of statehood.

The overlapping of forgetting and remembering is what proves to be an obstacle confronting especially women’s dimension in the reconstruction of coherent narratives. When one has for so long been reduced to silence, a sort of being in stasis, one is faced with the difficulty of regaining one’s voice and one’s subjectivity.  One way of looking at the cultural repression of women’s memories might be the fear, not so much as the lack, of empathizing with the victims. This phenomenon is best described in the words of Susan J. Brison when she speaks about the difficulty in recovering from the trauma of “Nazi death camps”: “Intense psychological pressures make it difficult…for others to listen to trauma narratives. Cultural repression of traumatic memories comes not only from an absence of empathy with victims but also out of an active fear of empathizing with those whose terrifying fate forces us to acknowledge that we are not in control of our own” (1999, pp. 48-49).

In Silaimu Ngaihawm, it is the ‘inexpressible’ pain of Ramliani that ultimately leads to her death. She internalizes the pain of losing her beloved who is killed by a bullet fired during an encounter and ironically, that very bullet becomes the only souvenir she has of her beloved. It was as if her grief consumed her whole until she gave up existing. Ramliani thus becomes reduced to an indistinct human form as a result of her inexpressible ‘memory’. The bullet becomes the symbol of pain and it is so deeply entrenched within the Mizo consciousness that it becomes part of the Mizo identity. Although it was the very bullet that killed her beloved, it becomes part of Ramliani and she is made to carry it to her grave. Likewise, the Mizoness that was produced after the Rambuai cannot be seen in isolation from the pain and humiliation suffered by the Mizos as a people. And it was this traumatic experience that left the people with a collective inability to tell their story. In the absence of collective response to the dehumanization experienced, individuals are left with what Rosenblum and Minow call either “too much memory” or “too much forgetting” (2002, pp. 1-13) and for the Mizos, it was the latter that produced, borrowing Paulo Freire’s phrase (and re-used by Sanjoy Hazarika in his introduction to After Decades of Silence (2016) in the Mizo context), a “culture of silence”.

The traumatic experience of the rambuai becomes part of the collective memory which affects not only those who were there to witness but even those who were not there. The idea of traumatic memory extending beyond the victims is not particular to the Mizos. Speaking of the Cherokee relocation, Woodward had recorded, “Alluded to as “the Trail of Tears” by Indians of all the Five Civilized Tribes, the journey west was a tragic event that could not easily be erased from the emigrants or their descendants”  (1982, p.218).

In order to understand the impact of the historical catastrophe undergone by the Mizos, it is important to take into consideration ways in which transgenerational trauma, or what Susan Sontag powerfully calls “the pain of others”, can shape a people’s identity. The phenomenon of what Marianne Hirsch calls “postmemory” (in the context of the children of the Holocaust victims) involves transgenerational transfer of catastrophic collective memories to what has been termed as the “postgeneration” (Hoffman, 2004) or “generation after” (Hirsch, 2012).  Toni Morrison uses the term “rememory” to describe the intergenerational transmission of traumatic experience: “Some things you forget. Other things you never do. . . . Places, places are still there. If a house burns down, it’s gone, but the place— the picture of it— stays, and not just in my rememory but out there, in the world. . . . “Can other people see it?” asked Denver. “Oh yes. Oh, yes, yes, yes. Some day you be walking down the road and you hear something or see something going on. So clear. And you think it’s you thinking it up. A thought picture. But no. It’s when you bump into a rememory that belongs to somebody else.” and the memory belongs as much to the witnesses as to those who came later “Where I was before I came here, that place is real. It’s never going away. Even if the whole farm— every tree and grass blade of it dies. The picture is still there and what’s more, if you go there— you who never was there— if you go there and stand in the place where it was, it will” (2005, p.43).

Sajal Nag in his essay “A Gigantic Panopticon: Counter-Insurgency and Modes of Disciplining and Punishment in Northeast India” (2012) suggests that the contemporary phenomenon of trance-like dances in the church, very prominent among the Mizo women, may be the impact of women’s traumatic memory which has been repressed and unaddressed and in turn, produces an intergenerational transmission of trauma.

In reconstructing Mizo identity post-rambuai, it becomes important to facilitate the process of healing in ways that could help regain the ethno-nationalist pride of being Mizo. While it is agreed that it was the shared experience of pain and the memory of that pain that had been central to forming a collective Mizo identity, it is the ‘imperative to forget’ through spiritual reconciliation that aids in ‘becoming’ Mizo after the troubled years. Two factors play important roles in facilitating the “becoming” of a Mizo – religion, and recovery of the heroic and mythic past. While religion aids in “forgetting” a difficult past, the mythic past offers a form of collective memory that facilitates regaining nationalist pride.

Although celebrating a mythic and heroic past and ignoring “difficult pasts” holds less legitimacy in the contemporary mnemonic landscape (Vinitzky-Seroussi & Teeger, 2010), it is the ability to forget which is considered by Christian Meier to be considered the cultural achievement rather than the act of remembering and that the process of forgetting after civil wars is the only tried-and-tested solution for social peace.7 However, Assman and Shortt  challenge Meier’s “tried-and-tested solution” by questioning the validity of categorizing the two terms- forgetting and remembering- into rigid polarized concepts. For Assman and Shortt, ‘remembering’ or ‘forgetting’ are rarely mutually exclusive practices and therefore more attention must be paid to crossovers such as selective forgetting and partial or transitional remembering because that brings us to two crucial questions: “who profits, who suffers from forgetting? Can a fresh start really be achieved on an equal basis or is the price too high which one group has to pay?” (2012, p.68).

While the emotional charge of the collective memory of pain and humiliation during the rambuai is central to the construction of Mizo identity, the nationalist “becoming” of Mizoness builds its narrative through a masculinist imagination of the cultural past that glorifies masculine traits of a pasaltha.8 In fact, the Mizo National Army (MNA), which consisted of eight battalions were named after legendary heroes of the past: “The first four – Chawngbawla, Khuangchera, Saizahawla and Taitesena – formed the Lion Brigade, which operated in the northern half of Mizoram, and the other four – Joshua, Lalvunga, Vanapa and Zampui Manga – formed the Dagger Brigade, operating in the south” (Camera as Witness 318). The appropriation and glorification of cultural heroes continue to hold in the Mizo ethno-nationalist identity that may be discerned in contemporary politico-religious institutions like the Mizo Zirlai Pawl (MZP), Young Mizo Association (YMA) and the Kohhran Thalai Pawl (KTP) who were formed through missionary initiatives (Hluna, 2009, pp., 400-408) and continue to function as important bodies. The several sections of the YMA and the KTP are named after different pasaltha(s) like Chawngbawla, Taitesena, Vanapa, Khuangchera and so on.

Merged with cultural identity is the religious element. The religious dimension in constructing a new Mizo identity finds its best manifestation in the state anthem of Mizoram “Ro min rel sak ang che” (composed by Rokunga). The song is a prayer to the Christian God addressed as Pathian to guide and protect the people and the land against all enemies. The adoption of Rokunga’s poem as the state anthem not only forges connection with the Christian faith but also with the uprising. It was Rokunga’s poetry that stirred the revolutionary spirit and awakened the Mizos to rise up in defense of Zoram. R.L Thanmawia says that Rokunga was “responsible for the uprising of 1966” (1998, p.125) through his poem “Harh la, harh la” (Awake! Awake!) in which he exhorts the people to be brave and rise up to the call of Zoram (the land of the Mizos).

Forging connections with both the religious and the cultural dimensions, a new Mizo man, who inherits all the traits of the cultural heroes as well as those of the Christian faith, is constructed. This new Mizo man takes birth in one of the most popular literary works published after the rambuai, Nunna Kawngthuam Puiah (1989). In this novel, through the character of Chhuanvawra, K.C Lalvunga has been able to create a sense of masculine dignity and pride in being a Mizo for a generation who was yet to recover from the deepest humiliation as a people. According to Achebe, regaining the lost dignity and pride in his people was the most important role of a writer. The protagonist, Chhuanvawra (the nation’s pride), as the name suggests, is the quintessential of a Mizo man.  In strength of character as well as in intelligence, there is none to surpass Chhuanvawra, even among the vais (the plainsmen). While Chhuanvawra succeeds in becoming an IPS officer, the female protagonist, Ngurthansangi is forced into marriage with Colonel Ranade who sells her into prostitution. It was Chhuanvawra who later rescues her from the “depth of debauchery” (suahsualna khur).  When Chhuanvawra meets Sangi at the hotel where she was trapped as a sex slave, her first reaction was shame: “I am so ashamed. Oh why have you come here, U Chhuan?…I am unclean, I am undeserving of your love” and she repeats “I am no longer worth saving… I am unclean” (pp.176-77).  She is made to feel ashamed although she is a victim against her wishes. Sangi finds healing only when she comes in union with her homeland and God. Chhuanvawra is painted as the most honourable man as he takes Sangi to be his wife and becomes her protector.  The pastor, Pu Lianzuala prays for them at the altar, “Dear God…they have been through a great misfortune…we ask that they may forget these painful memories”. Therefore, healing comes through spiritual reconciliation and through ‘forgetting’.  Going by the observations of Siamkima Khawlhring, one of the first Mizo critics, Nunna Kawngthuam Puiah has been able to fill the Mizo heart with a sense of pride and dignity. Although the novel succeeded in restoring the lost pride and dignity in Mizo men, it failed to do the same when it comes to bequeathing a similar place to women in the reshaping of Mizo identity. While Chhuanvawra is painted as a flawless character, Ngurthansangi’s weakness and vulnerability is intended to remind women’s failings and therefore their need for protection by Mizo men.

The new Mizo Christian religio-ethnic identity is problematic because in it, the gendered paradigm does not find equal space. When the nationalist discourse relies on masculinist ideals and ignores the marginalized narratives, it faces the danger of privileging selective memories while silencing others and this issue is well articulated in Jacob’s re-telling of the rambuai experience from a gendered dimension. Zorami’s story is not only an individual trauma but is representative of the trauma faced by all rape victims during the Mizo conflict. Zorami’s inability to tell about her traumatic rape foregrounds the reason why there is no immediately accessible knowledge of violence: the victim is not allowed to speak of the crime against her. For Zorami, the experience of sexual violence is so traumatic that it is written on her body and she needs to come to terms with that. Zorami’s narrative takes us into the excruciating past, the memory of which is so painful that recalling that cannot but be a ‘bruising experience’,  borrowing the phrase Adichie used when she talked about her experience of writing  Half of a Yellow Sun, in which she recollects the traumatic memory of the Biafran War of 1966. For Adichie, the process is so painful that she “often wondered whether to stop or to scale back” because writing about her people’s experience of the war places a responsibility on her.

Either in the memorialisation of the humiliation endured or in the commemoration of the war heroes of the Mizo Movement, representation of women is markedly absent. As Mary Vanlalthanpuii asserts, “scholars dealing on [the] insurgency focus exclusively on male activities” although “female volunteers in the MNF Movement…fought alongside the men and suffered with the men” (2019,p.5). And despite the gendered nature of atrocities, how far the individual memories of the female victims are allowed to be written in the state sanctified commemoration of the uprising is an uncomfortable question. It is important to remember that “collective memory is an instrument and an objective of power,” which like history, is socially constructed, collectively shared, and selectively exploited. Thus, the politics of memory in contemporary Mizoram should be understood in relation to the social construction of Mizoness post-rambuai. The memory of atrocities and victimization during the troubled years forms the psychological bond which seeks spiritual consolation through religion while the valorization of a culturally “imagined past”, to use Benedict Anderson’s term, provides the ethno-nationalist consciousness. The reconstruction of Mizoness, however, seems to resist gender differentiations. Most of the recent literary works have also avoided to analyse how representational paradigms of Mizoness might be gendered and it might be because of the fear of being seen as divisive. However, to conclude, in the national becoming, recovering the silenced story of women is essential because, as Morrison, concludes in Beloved, “disremembered and unaccounted for, she cannot be lost because no one is looking for her” (p.323).

Declaration of Conflicts of Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest.

Funding
No funding has been received for the publication of this article. It is published free of any charge.

Acknowledgement
Feature image courtesy:

 Notes:

  1. Cyclical bamboo flowering in Mizoram that causes a boom in rat population. Food grains are attacked and exhausted by the rats, causing famine in the region.
  2. The first Lushai expedition of 1871-72 was led by General Bronlow and Brouchier. See T.H. Lewin (1912).
  3. On 18th April 1952, the Mizo Union leaders met with the Constituent Assembly Advisory Committee under Gopinath Bordoloi, they submitted a memorandum in favour of an autonomous district council with a change in the name of Lushai to the more inclusive Mizo).
  4. In Conversation with Malsawmi Jacob. Jaydeep Sarangi. Writers in Conversation Vol 4. No.1, February 2017. Retrieved December, 2021 from researchgate.net
  5. Armed Forces Powers Act, 1958 empowers security forces to open fire, conduct operations and arrest anyone without warrant in ‘disturbed areas’. See “AFSPA Factsheet: The Act and its Extension in India”. Outlook.8th Dec 2021. outlookindia.com
  6. Assam Assembly Debates, 7 June 1967, Vol II No.16. In Sanjoy Hazarika (2018), Strangers No More, p.103.
  7. 7. Christian Meier (2010), Das Gebot zu vergessen und die Unabweisbarkeit des Erinnerns (The Imperative to Forget and the Inescapability of Remember). Cited in Assman and Shortt, 2018.
  8. The word signifies all qualities that define manhood- being fearless, skilled in hunting and warfare and unflinching on the face of danger and pain. Simply translated, the word pasaltha stands for ‘a braveheart’.

Works Cited

Adichie, Chimamanda Ngozie (2006). Half of a Yellow Sun. London: Fourth Estate.

Agamben, G.(2005). State of Exception. Translated by Kevin Attell. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.

Assmann, Aleida and Shortt, L. (Eds.). (2012). Eds. Memory and Political. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

Brison, Susan J. “Trauma Narratives and the Remaking of the Self”. In Micke Bal, Jonathan Crew and Leo Spitzer (Eds.), Acts of Memory: Cultural Recall in the Present (pp. 39-54). Hanover and London: University Press of New England.

Dingluaia, Lal (2018). “Maps , Mission, Memory and Mizo Identity”. Transformation 35(4), 240-250.

Dokhuma, James (2012). Silaimu Ngaihawm. Aizawl: R. Lalrawna.

Hastings, Adrian (1997). The Construction of Nationhood: Ethnicity, Religion and Nationalism, Cambridge University Press.

Hazarika, Sanjoy (2018). Strangers No More: New Narratives from India’s Northeast. New Delhi: Aleph, 2018.

Hirsch, M. and Smith, V. (2002). Feminism and Cultural Memory: An Introduction.  Signs 28 (1), 1-19.

Hirsch, M. (2012). The Generation of Postmemory : Writing and Visual Culture After the Holocaust. New York: Columbia University Press.

Hluna, V.L & Tochhawng, R. (2012). The Mizo Uprising: Assam Assembly Debates on the Mizo Movement, 1966-1971. UK: Cambridge Scholar’s Publishing.

Hluna, V.L. (2009). Peace in Mizoram: A Study of the Roles of Students in the Peace Process. In Robin, K. (Ed.), Chin History, Culture and Identity (pp.400-408). New Delhi: Dominant Publishers.

Hoffman, Eva (2004). After Such Knowledge: Memory, History, and the Legacy of the Holocaust. New York: Public Affairs.

Jacob, Malsawmi (2015). Zorami: A Redemption Song. Morph Books.

Lalvunga, K.C. (2013). The Heritage We Received from our Forefathers. In J.V. Hluna (Ed.), History and Ethnic Identity Formation in North East India. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company.

Lewin, T.H. (1912). A Fly on the Wheel. London: Constable and Company Ltd. Retrieved June 8, 2021 from https://archive.org.

Mbembe, Achille (2019). Necropolitics. Durham: Duke University Press, 2019

McCall, Anthony Gilchrist (1977).  Lushai Chrysali (Reprint). Calcutta: Firma KLM Pvt. Ltd.

Metzger, Deena (1976). It is Always the Woman Who is Raped. American Journal of Psychiatry 133(4), 405-408.

Rosenblum, Nancy L. & Minow, M. (2002). Breaking the Cycles of Hatred: Memory, Law and Repair.  Princeton University Press.

Morrison, Toni (2005). Beloved.  (Reprint). Vintage Books.

Nag, Sajal (2001). Tribals, Rats, Famine, State and the Nation. Economic and Political Weekly 36 (12), 1029–1033. Retrieved June 9 2021 from http://www.jstor.org/stable/4410428.

Nag, Sajal (2012). A Gigantic Panopticon: Counter Insurgency and Modes of Discipline and Punishment in North East India. In Policies and Perspectives, MCRG Journal, Kolkata. Retrieved February 4, 2021 from http://mcrg.ac.in.

Nag, Sajal. “Folk Intellectual Tradition for Resistance: Invention of Traditions and Lushai Counter to Cultural Colonialism in North East India, 1904-1911.”. Retrieved March 10, 2022 from https://www.academia.edu.

Nibedon, Nirmal (1980). Mizoram: The Dagger Brigade. New Delhi: Lancers Publishers

Pachuau, Joy L.K & Schendel, W.V. (2015). The Camera as Witness: A Social History of Mizoram, Northeast India. Delhi: Cambridge University Press.

Rao, V. Venkata (1976). A Century of Tribal Politics in Northeast India, 1874-1974. New Delhi: S. Chand & Company.

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Segev, Tom (1993). The Seventh Million. Trans. Haim Watzman. New York: Hill and Wang.

Sheffield, Carole J.(1987). Sexual Terrorism: The Social Control of Women. In Beth B. Hess & Myra M. Ferree (Eds.) Analyzing Gender: A Handbook of Social Science Research. Newbury Park: Sage.

Smith, Anthony D. (1971). Theories of Nationalism. NY: Harper &Row.

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Thanmawia, R.L. (1998). Mizo Poetry. Din Din Heaven.

Vanlalthanpuii, Mary (2019). Women’s Action in the Mizo National Front Movement 1966-1987.          New Delhi: Zubaan.

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Zothanchhingi Khiangte, PhD, is an Assistant Professor and the former Head of the Department of English, Bodoland University, Kokrajhar, Assam. She is also the Coordinator of the Centre for Women’s Studies of Bodoland University. She has been the Chief Editor of the International Journal of Literature &Cultural studies (Two volumes). Her most recent books are Orality: Quest for Meanings and Revisiting Orality in Northeast India. Four PhD and two MPhil scholars have been awarded their degrees under her guidance.

Sexual Violence and the Plights of Internally Displaced Persons During the Covid-19 Pandemic Lockdown in Nigeria

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319 views

Joy Nneka U. Ejikeme1, Iwundu Ifeanyi E.2 & Ogechi Cecilia Ukaogo3

1PhD, Lecturer in Humanities, Humanities Unit, School of General Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka. Email: joy.ejikeme@unn.edu.ng

2Senior Research Fellow, Institute of African Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka

Email: Iwundu.ifeanyi@unn.edu.ng

3Staff, Careers Unit, Registrar’s Office, University of Nigeria, Nsukka. Email: oukaogo@gmail.com

 Volume 13, Number 3, 2021 I Full-Text PDF

DOI: 10.21659/rupkatha.v13n3.19

Abstract

This paper examines the new vista opened by the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic specifically the issue of rape criminality in Nigeria. Regrettably, Covid-19 lockdown saw to the different dimensions to rape crime which is the household rape. In addition, this study beams its searchlight on the most vulnerable group; women and girl children affected by the Covid-19 pandemic lockdown especially those that were Internally Displaced from their homes, the IDPs. Furthermore, this study observes that the lockdown in Nigeria resulted in many deaths and injuries on the verge of enforcing the Covid-19 lockdown rules. Relevant materials for this paper have been sourced from newspapers, online publications in journals, and books while the descriptive method of analysis has been adopted.

Keywords: Rape Criminality, Sexual Violence, Covid-19, Pandemic and Internally Displaced Persons.

State Authority and Lynching in Latin America

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293 views

Giovanni B. Corvino
University of Turin. ORCID: 0000-0002-8191-3500. Email: giovanni.corvino@edu.unito.it

 Volume 13, Number 3, 2021 I Full-Text PDF

DOI: 10.21659/rupkatha.v13n3.14

Abstract

Social scientists observed a significant increase in the number of lynchings in contemporary Latin America. The reasons for the rise are wide-ranging and conflicting. However, there are commonalities with the well-known cases of the United States of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in which state legitimacy was the subject of intense debate. Therefore, this essay aims at observing why state intervention was deemed illegitimate in resolving local disputes that led to the vigilantes’ use of this form of extra-legal violence.

Keywords: lynching, summary justice, governance, vigilantes, extra-legal violence

Social Memory: From Oblivion or Construction to Cultural Trauma

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341 views

Bayan Zh. Smagambet1, Almash A. Tlespayeva1 & Ainur B. Musabayeva1

1Department of Sociology, L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University, Nur-Sultan, Republic of Kazakhstan. ORCID: 0000-0001-7194-3952. Email: tlespayeva5271@murdoch.in

 Volume 13, Number 2, 2021 I Full-Text PDF

DOI: 10.21659/rupkatha.v13n2.48

 

Abstract

The formation of social memory is an important component of the state humanitarian strategy. It acquires special significance in the conditions of postmodern transformations of a transitional society, which directly relate to the functioning of the political system. Thus, the process of democratic transition is becoming an undeniable and peremptory reality. The necessity for liberal political and economic reforms is also not much controversial. With this state of affairs, ideological discussions acquire a retrospective direction, their subject is not the search for development models for the future, but the construction of models for assessing the past. The novelty of the study is determined by the need to assess social participation on the part of both individual and public entities. The authors classify not only the population as social entities but also the carriers of the cultural code, who may belong to extraterritorial groups. The article shows that social memory can also be considered as a method of socio-economic development of a territory, and in order to achieve political objectives by individual groups of capital. The practical significance of the study is determined by the possibility of structuring social memory and building on this basis socio-economic strategies for the development of a sustainable society.

Keywords: structure, development, society, political influence, communication.

Travelling Across Borders: Temporality, Trauma, and Memory in Amitav Ghosh’s Dancing in Cambodia and At Large in Burma

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546 views

Hariom Singh

Ph.D. Assistant Professor, Department of English, Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University, Satellite Campus, Amethi (UP). Email: h.singh765@gmail.com

 Volume 12, Number 3, 2020 I Full Text PDF

DOI: 10.21659/rupkatha.v12n3.29

Abstract

In travel writing as a genre, the convergence of the words temporality, memory and trauma has occasioned an explosion of deliberations centred around the representation of the other(ness), the privilege of speaking of and for a foreign culture, and strategies used to perpetuate hierarchies and differences in cultural discourses. From having strong cultural affinities with Greater India in the ancient past, the countries of Southeast Asia like Cambodia, Myanmar have undergone sea changes in the present experiencing a long phase of colonisation and then ravaged by their own internal strife and upheavals. Writers from the erstwhile colonised countries like Amitav Ghosh have attempted in their travelogues to document the history and culture of Cambodia and Myanmar while traversing its rough terrain. Amitav Ghosh’s widely acclaimed Dancing in Cambodia and At Large in Burma stands as the foremost example for understanding the travails of time and history of Cambodia and Myanmar. The narration of Ghosh’s travel experiences in these countries brings to the fore the complex temporal dimensions of history amalgamated with collective trauma caused to its people through seemingly unabated and intense phases of violence and bloodshed in Khmer Rouge revolution. The proposed paper explores the various couplings of history and memory to explore the perennial traumatic feeling of the people of Myanmar and Cambodia and attempts to locate it in a larger historical perspective generally shared with India. Some pertinent questions which the proposed paper seeks to reflect upon are: the dangers of homogenisation and using ahistorical vocabulary to replicate the hegemony of cosmopolitan models of postcoloniality over local models. Also, is ‘out of placeness’ of the narrator is a problematic identity or something permanent and worth celebrating? Is cosmopolitanism suitable for postcolonial societies or is it just another totalising discourse of colonialism spreading its tentacles in complicity with neo-liberalism?

Keywords: Memory, Travel, Trauma, Cosmopolitan

Performative Subjects & the Irresistible Lack of Understanding in David Mamet’s Oleanna: a Butlerian Discourse Analysis

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308 views

Hojatolla Borzabadi Farahani1 & Mariam Beyad2

1Department of English language, Arak Branch, Islamic Azad University, Arak, Iran

2Associate Professor, University of Tehran. Email: n_bfarahani@yahoo.com

 Volume 12, Number 2, April-June, 2020 I Full Text PDF

DOI: 10.21659/rupkatha.v12n2.16

Abstract:

The present study tends to explore the constitution of power and its formative effects on David Mamet’s play, Oleanna, a very controversial work dealing with sexual harassment and political correctness. The analysis is going to be done applying views and results of Judith Butler’s notion of gender and identity trouble to the play first through explanation of related key concepts like difference, decentering, subject and language, and then utilizing them to analyze the roots of sudden, surprising transformations and role-reversals of the involved characters, John and Carol, through the three acts. Furthermore, it is tried to find out the causes of unavoidable violence within the contexts of the relations going between the characters.

Keywords: gender, identity, difference, decentering, performative, understanding, violence, discourses, language

Indian Women at Crossroads: a Tale of Conflict, Trauma and Survival

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354 views

Sanghamitra Choudhury1 & Shailendra Kumar2

1Department of Peace and Conflict Studies, Sikkim University, India. Email: schoudhuryassam@gmail.com

2Department of Management, Sikkim University, India

 Volume 12, Number 2, April-June, 2020 I Full Text PDF

DOI: 10.21659/rupkatha.v12n2.11

Abstract:

Armed conflict across and between communities results in massive levels of destruction to the people- physically, culturally, economically and psychologically. The genesis of most of the conflicts that has engulfed the north-eastern states of India is either to preserve the unique identity or due to lack of economic development and opportunities for the large majority of the people or both. Women as heterogeneous group of social actors are arguably more affected than their male counterparts in conflict situations. Armed conflict exacerbates inequalities in gender relations that already exist in society. In an ethnically divided society in Assam, women bodies are generally used as ‘ethnic markers’ thereby have more specific manifestations. The paper aims to analyze the multiple roles that women are subjected to and play in armed conflict in the state of Assam. The paper is going to highlight that woman in NE India with a special reference to Assam cannot be categorized just as ‘victims’ of conflict. Even when they are victims; they exercise their agency and survival techniques despite adverse conditions. Beyond judicial measures, how women grapple with the problem of the ‘truths’ of the past in post conflict scenario will also be highlighted.

Keywords: Armed conflict, Assam, Ethnicity, Northeast India, Trauma.