Cultural Studies - Page 2

Phonological idiosyncrasies of the Southern Sorsogon dialect in Bulan, Philippines

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Dominic Bryan S. San Jose 1 & John Gerald A. Pilar 2
1,2University of Negros Occidental-Recoletos, Philippines
Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 15, Issue 3, 2023. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v15n3.05
[Article History: Received: 15 June 2023. Revised: 04 August 2023. Accepted: 09 August 2023. Published: 20 August 2023.]
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Abstract

This research sought to examine the Southern Sorsogon (Sso) dialect’s distinctive phonetic features in Bulan, Philippines. In the urban and rural communities of Bulan in the province of Sorsogon, six native speakers were specifically selected based on the selection criteria. The qualitative text analysis approach used in this study was based on the transcripts of in-person interviews and other contacts between the researchers and native speakers. The Sso dialect’s segmental sounds and phonological characteristics were examined to unravel its phonetic characteristics. Read more>>

Keywords: Bikol, Bikolano, segmental sound, phonological idiosyncrasy, Southern Sorsogon dialect
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Citation: Jose, Dominic Bryan S. San, John Gerald A. Pilar. 2023. Phonological idiosyncrasies of the Southern Sorsogon dialect in Bulan, Philippines. Rupkatha Journal 15:3. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v15n3.05 

Religious Heritage: Reconciliation between Spirituality and Cultural Concerns

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Óscar Fernández-Álvarez1, Miguel González-González2, Sara Ouali-Fernández3
1Department of Social Anthropology, University of León (Spain). ORCID: 0000-0002-5254-6908. Email: oscar.fernandez@unileon.es
2Department of Social Anthropology, University of León (Spain). ORCID: 0000-0003-2577-5753. Email: migog@unileon.es
3Department of Social Anthropology, University of León (Spain). ORCID: 0000-0002-4184-0298. Email: sara_o_f@hotmail.com

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 4, December, 2022. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n4.29
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Abstract

Religious heritage has a dual cultural and religious meaning and importance in society. It has a cultural value because it symbolises the history and art of a community, and a religious value because it represents a spiritual hub and home for a community of believers. This article analyses the challenges posed by this association between religious heritage —as both an economic and tourism resource— and cultural heritage. Methodologically, an observation, reflection and analysis of the challenges that are faced are proposed. The results reveal various initiatives for development, protection and enhancement. The discussion revolves around the importance of community involvement and the benefits this brings to various sectors, including economic activity, from the perspective of religious tourism as an aspect of tourism per se, in which a faith and its believers are elements that merit heritage conservation.

Keywords: Anthropology, Heritage, Religion, Religious tourism

‘Healing the World with Comedy’: Anxiety and Sublimation in Bo Burnham’s Inside

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Ann Christina Pereira1 & Dr Sarika Tyagi2
1Research scholar, Department of English, Vellore Institute of Technology-Vellore. ORCID: 0000-0002-2555-4910. Email: ann.pereira9213@gmail.com;
2Professor, Department of English, Vellore Institute of Technology-Vellore. ORCID: 0000-0001-5144-9981. Email: tyagisarika27@gmail.com

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 4, December, 2022. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n4.12 
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Abstract

Bo Burnham is a critically acclaimed American stand-up comedian and filmmaker. The usual themes in his works are the hypocrisy of artists, the commercialisation of art, and the role of social media in erasing the boundary between the public and the private. However, during the pandemic, he chose to focus on the theme of anxiety, a minor theme in his earlier works. Anxiety has been considered an integral part of modernity as discussed by Anthony Giddens and Zygmunt Bauman. In psychoanalysis, anxiety has been explained in a number of different ways. In current psychological discourse, anxiety is described as an unpleasant state of mind that can cause significant bodily and mental stress. The anxiety that Burnham experienced prior to the pandemic appears to have amplified during the pandemic. Two main types of anxiety are observable in the shows of Burnham—performance anxiety and existential anxiety. This paper seeks to understand Burnham’s show Inside (2021) using Anna Segal’s contribution to the concept of ‘sublimation’. We argue that in doing the show Inside, Burnham discovers a new way to acknowledge and channel his ‘depressive’ symptoms towards contemporary times, and he achieves sublimation in the process.

Keywords: Comedy, sublimation, anxiety, existential anxiety, modernity

Narratives of Plague in Arab Societies through the Lens of Select Western Travelers

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Mashhoor Abdu Al-Moghales1, Abdel-Fattah M. Adel2, Suhail Ahmad3, Monir A Choudhury4, Abdul R. JanMohamed5
1Department of English, College of Arts, University of Bisha, Saudi Arabia. ORCID: 0000-0001-7984-5388. Email: mamohammad@ub.edu.sa
2Department of English, College of Arts, University of Bisha, Saudi Arabia.  ORCID: 0000-0001-7968-8167. Email: aadeal@ub.edu.sa
3Department of English, College of Arts, University of Bisha, Saudi Arabia.  ORCID: 0000-0001-6611-2484. Email: suhailahmed@ub.edu.sa
4Department of English, College of Arts, University of Bisha, Bisha, Saudi Arabia. Email: monirchy@ub.edu.sa.
5Department of English, University of California, Berkeley, USA. Email: abduljm@berkeley.edu

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 4, December, 2022. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n4.11 
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Abstract

To examine the narratives of plagues in Arab societies, the paper, along with the postcolonial perspectives, uses the concepts like ‘empathy’ or ‘detached concern’ to bring fresh and new understanding of the travel texts. It selected John Antes’ Observations on the Manners and Customs of the Egyptians, the Overflowing of the Nile and its Effects (1800) and Richard F. Burton’s Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to El-Medinah and Meccah (1857) for the study. The paper analyses their narratives to understand their approaches in describing the ‘native’ Arab societies. The key findings show that while Burton tends to construct the people and their culture as ‘the Other’ although his mode of presentation tends to follow a mode of ‘detached concern’, Antes is, on the other hand, more objective but stood by the plague-infected people in empathy. The findings show that these Western travellers considered the concept of predestination, lack of quarantine, lack of sanitation, mass gatherings during the plague, and the unscientific local treatments as the root causes of the spread of the plagues among the ‘natives’.

Keywords: Plague, Orientalism, Travelogues, Arab Land, Empathy, detached concern

We Are Cancelled: Exploring Victims’ Experiences of Cancel Culture on Social Media in the Philippines

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2.9K views

Joseph Leonard A. Jusay1, Jeremiah Armelin S. Lababit2, Lemuel Oliver M. Moralina3 & Jeffrey Rosario Ancheta4
1Polytechnic University of the Philippines, Manila, Philippines. ORCID: 0000-0001-5770-0129. Email: josephleonard.jusay@yahoo.com
2Polytechnic University of the Philippines, Manila, Philippines. ORCID: 0000-0001-8225-866X. Email: jeremiahlababit0000@gmail.com
3Polytechnic University of the Philippines, Manila, Philippines. ORCID: 0000-0001-7065-5772. Email: rhyleemoralina26@gmail.com
4Polytechnic University of the Philippines, Manila, Philippines. ORCID: 0000-0001-5831-8204. Email: jrancheta@pup.edu.ph

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 4, December, 2022. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n4.04 
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Abstract

The continuous advancement of modern technology enables its users to engage in various interactions in the online public sphere, including conversations about multiple ideas and perspectives. It has now played a significant role in our modern society, paving the door for several participatory cultures and social movements such as the so-called cancel culture. Even if this movement aims to call out individuals or businesses, it has undoubtedly encouraged mob mentality and damaged civil dialogue, ultimately driving them out of the community. Thus, this study looked at the diverse experiences of victims of cancel culture and how it influenced their social and personal lives. It reveals that the victims suffered a backlash, public humiliation, and cyberbullying that harmed their mental health. This study has established that cancel culture is an example of online abuse and has become more commonplace in the online public realm, rendering social media sites less of a safe haven.

Keywords: Cancel culture, social media, mental health, cyberbullying, public humiliation

Imagining India / Hinduism from Chile

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Felipe Luarte Correa
Professor, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. Chile. Email id: fluarte@uc.cl

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 3, September-October 2022, Pages 1–7. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n3.18

First published: October 17, 2022 | Area: Latin America | License: CC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under the themed issue Across Cultures: Ibero-America and India”)
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Imagining India / Hinduism from Chile

Abstract

Indian culture expresses itself in Chile’s daily life that, until recently, would have been unthinkable both for its real and mental remoteness. Undoubtedly, this is a consequence of globalization and the rapid flow of ideas and practices of the last decades, but it is also due to the sustained increase in the presence of the Indian community in Chile from the mid-’80s onwards, with the economic opening during that time creating favorable conditions for the increased number of Indian immigration in Chilean society. India’s cultural identity is marked by its religious way of life and in general, Hindu immigrants – as a result of the characteristics of Hinduism – have tended to reproduce their culture and religion while having to adjust to local circumstances. Consequently, both are renegotiated. This process implies an enormous effort of adaptability, which is necessary to be able to develop themselves in the new country without having to abandon the cultural baggage they bring with them, creating new strategies of action that at the same time imply and generate new ways of relating and redefining their identity referents.

Keywords: Chile, identity, Immigrant, India, Partial Scope Agreement

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Inundating Cultural Diversity: A Critical Study of Oral Narratives of Kurichyas and Guarani in the Structuralist Perspective

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Haseena Naji

Research Scholar, Department of English Studies, Central University of Tamil Nadu, Thiruvarur, Tamil Nadu, India. Email: haseenanaji@gmail.com

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 3, September-October 2022, Pages 1–21. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n3.13

First published: October 8, 2022 | Area: Latin America | License: CC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under the themed issue Across Cultures: Ibero-America and India”)
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Inundating Cultural Diversity: A Critical Study of Oral Narratives of Kurichyas and Guarani in the Structuralist Perspective

Abstract

The paper seeks to explore the practicability of using Vladimir Propp’s framework to study the oral narratives of the Kurichyan tribe of Wayanad, Kerala, India and of the Guarani tribe of Paraguay, South America. For this purpose, Narippaattu (Wolf Song) of Kurichyar and The Beginning Life of the Hummingbird of Guarani are chosen. Out of the 27 functional events identified in the former, six of them do not fit into the Proppian framework and of the 13 identified in the latter, three of them do not conform to the Proppian structure. The events which are matched with Proppian events are tediously paralleled and do not correspond to each other entirely in the Proppian sense. None of the events identified in both tales show any linear or causal progression. Through this, I argue that an attempt to study narratives that originate from communities with multiple subtle diversities in terms of a universal structure will be problematic and mostly futile. We will lose the culturally distinct, subtle manifestations in the narratives in the endeavour to make them fit into any universal framework.

Keywords: structural analysis, Kurichya, Guarani, Propp, narrative analysis, poststructuralism

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Subverting Narratives of Nationalism: A Cross-National Study of Borges and Muktibodh

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Akansha Singh

Assistant Professor, NALSAR University of Law. Email: akansha.s@outlook.com

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 3, September-October 2022, Pages 1–15. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n3.11

First published: October 8, 2022 | Area: Latin America | License: CC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under the themed issue Across Cultures: Ibero-America and India”)
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Subverting Narratives of Nationalism: A Cross-National Study of Borges and Muktibodh

Abstract

The mid-twentieth century Argentina and India witnessed a discursive construction and circulation of national identity closely entwined with literary production. This caused a surge in nationalistic sentiments, often culminating in socially discriminatory consequences. This paper shall analyse the role Jorge Luis Borges and Gajanan Madhav Muktibodh played in subverting nationalism, as members on the ideological margins of their respective countries. The study involves two interconnected inquiries in the authors’ works. First, a study of reasons behind their rejection of nationalistic writing— their personal lives as affected by it, their discontent with literary movements they were part of, literary censorships, and loss of jobs on account of their ideological differences. Second, a study of the alternatives the two writers offered against nationalism— literary forms, styles, and techniques. Placing the two inquiries together, the paper will study their works as writings of resistance that surface through a fusion of political opinion and social critique. It will further argue how resistance through writing conditions guides their existence.

Keywords: Nationalism, Borges, Muktibodh, Modernism, Post- Colonial

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The Politics of Cultural Homogenization and Territorialization: Representation of Northeast in Tinkle’s WingStar Series

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Renu Elizabeth Abraham

Dept of English and Cultural Studies, Christ University, Bengaluru, India. Email: renu.elizabeth@christuniversity.in

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022. Pages 1-12. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne33

First published: June 30, 2022 | AreaNortheast India | LicenseCC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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Abstract

Tinkle, the children’s magazine in English in India has been instrumental in shaping the imagination of the young urban Indian child ever since its inception in 1980. No other magazine has the readership and reach that Tinkle enjoys with a circulation of more than 3 lakh. The fact that Tinkle has survived unlike many other magazines in India for 40 odd years is testimony (marketing strategies aside) of its reach and popularity. Tinkle, ever since the days of its founder-editor Anant Pai, has been instrumental in constructing “imagined communities” of national identities for children in India over the decades since the 1970s ever since the Amar Chitra Kathas. One such attempt in constructing children’s imaginaries is the addition of a series Wing Star in 2015, scripted by Sean D’mello and inked by Vineet Nair that features Mapui Kawlim, a 13-year-old superhero from Aizwal, Mizoram. While it is empowering that a national mainstream popular magazine for children would feature a female superhero from among the less represented Northeastern states, what is problematic, according to this study, is the manner in which there has been a conscious erasure of all markers of her ethnicity by appropriating her into the larger mainstream homogenised pan-Indian identity of a young female superhero with no specific markers to represent the culture she belongs to. This study will attempt to read this ‘sanitised’ representation of a Northeastern superhero in the light of the idea of cultural appropriation and deterritorialization and reterritorialization posited by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari that looks at the erasure of specific ethnic and other identities markers. This study will also engage with the implications of how ‘sanitised’ representations like this in popular narratives would construct and homogenise the imaginaries of the children of a country as they would grow up with erroneous notions of cultural ethnicities and diversity within the country adding to the problematics of marginalisation and hegemonic nationalities.  

Keywords: Cultural appropriation, homogenization, WingStar, Tinkle, Northeast, reterritorialization, identity politics

Introduction

Children’s Literature in English in India is a domain that has been immensely popular.  Children’s magazines have played a formative role in the development of indigenous narratives for children in India. Children’s magazines are periodicals published on a weekly, fortnightly, monthly, bi-annual, quarterly or bi-monthly basis and are important sources of education and entertainment for the intellectual development of a child. These publications are targeted at children and preteens around the ages of 4 to 16 years. Children’s magazines in India can be loosely classified as educational and edutainment magazines. About the educational magazines of children, R.E. Abraham writes:

(they focus on) developing the academic and professional skills of the children in terms of knowledge development, domain expertise, self-learning skills, current affairs and enhancing their global perspectives. They attempt to do it through fun and often concentrate on the academic development of the children….The second variety of children’s magazines were of the edutainment variety…. These magazines concentrated on the holistic development of the children through developing their creative skills, academic skills, personal, interpersonal and societal skills. (Abraham, 2018, Chapter 3, pp. 23-24)

Ever since the inception of Chandamama in 1947, the magazine made a niche for themselves within the Indian households. The English version of the magazine came out in 1955 followed by Children’s World from Children’s Book Trust in 1957. These magazines attempted to engage the children in India with indigenous mythologies and folk tales along with fables and other stories for children. These magazines were followed by Champak (1968), Amar Chitra Kathas (1969), Pran’s Comics, Lotpot, Target (1979), Tinkle and Gokulam (1980) and many others like Children’s Digest, Magic Pot, Chatterbox, Thinkling, Impulse Hoot and Toot, Heek, Mira, Active Kids, Dimdima, Young Bhaskar and Brain Tonic. Over the last few years, some scholarly interest has grown to locate children’s literature in India and its representational ethos but almost no research has emerged in the field of magazines for children in India, except for a very few articles on the subject such as “Acculturation and holistic development in children in India: Educative possibilities of children’s edutainment magazines in English” (2020) and a monograph on Children’s edutainment magazines in English in India: An overview (2018) both by R E Abraham. Scholarship has emerged around Hindi children’s magazines earlier through the works like Nandini Chandra’s Siting childhood: A study of children’s magazines in Hindi 1920-50 (2001).

Among these edutainment magazines, Tinkle: Where learning meets fun was the first all-comic children’s magazine to emerge in India and to this day it remains one of the most widely circulated, read and accepted magazines for children in India with content that is original and not traditional in nature. Original, here, denotes work that is written by Indian authors targeted at children and not based on pre-texts like mythologies, folk tales and bowdlerisations of classics or other existing literature. Tinkle was the culmination of Anant Pai’s vision of a magazine that would aid children’s development in terms of cultural and social capital (to borrow Pierre Bourdieu’s terms) and was the brainchild of Subbu Rao, who was Amar Chitra Katha’s Associate Editor at the time (Abraham, 2018, Chapter 3, p. 47). Through strategic marketing and word-of-mouth publicity Tinkle rose to an almost cult status among urban and semi-urban English-speaking children in the 1980s and 1990s. The magazine was for its time a massive 72-page comic meant to entertain and inform. The magazine targeted the whole-person development of a child through stories of informative and scientific content like the Anu Club series, fun and moral development through the Kalia series and the Tantri the Mantri series, comic and slapstick through the Suppandi series and the like. With the advent of the satellite television and consequent development of television content for children in India, Tinkle developed e-media strategies like developing e-content through video games and MUDS (Multi-user Domains) and MOOS (MUDS Object-Oriented) early in the late 2000s and has currently diversified into developing animated content on Youtube and the Tinkle Online Comics with their flagship characters like Shikhari Shambu, Tantri the Mantri, Suppandi and many others. Over a period of time Tinkle has diversified and revamped its characters and content to suit contemporary concerns and developments in society. One such development is the addition of the WingStar series to the array of stories stabled in Tinkle.

This study, as indicated earlier will examine the WingStar series collection, volumes 1 and 2 that were serialized as episodic narratives in Tinkle from 2015-2020. WingStar is the eponymous title of a female superhero comic series featuring Mapui Kawlim, a 13-year old preteen, as a superhero from Aizwa in Mizoram. The writer is Sean D’mello and the artist is Vineet Nair (who is also the Deputy Art Director of Tinkle). While the initiative was praised by the media as being an important move in representing voices from the North East, it also drew flak from a lone voice, in an online feature in The Caravan magazine by Sukruti Anah Staneley, “Looking East: Tinkle’s depiction of its new superhero from the Northeast has a long way to go” (2016). The article clearly pointed out the problematics of universalization, generalisation, lack of research to authenticate identities and information, and tokenism in the name of inclusion. In this study in order to understand the representational politics that is operational in the creation and dissemination of this narrative to the masses in India and why such consciously sanitised narratives could do untold damage in contemporary Indian society given the climate of exclusion and dissidence that is growing in the country, I will extend Staneley’s observation and locate it within the academic imperatives of understanding children’s literature in the Indian context. Homogenising an ethnic culture through the purposeful erasure of its identity markers will not be inclusive or cater to diversity but rather promote a culture of exclusion and stigmatisation that emerges out of a forgetting that does not recognise differences.

Theoretical Frameworks

While it is empowering that a national, mainstream popular magazine for children would feature a female superhero from among the less represented North-Eastern states, what is problematic is the manner in which there has been a conscious erasure of all markers of her ethnicity by appropriating her into the larger mainstream, homogenised pan-Indian identity of a young female superhero with no specific markers other than her name and facial features to represent her ethno-cultural context. This sanitization and appropriation is examined with the help of E. W. Holland’s reinterpretation of the frameworks of cultural appropriation and deterritorialization posited by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari and also locating it within discourses of nationalism and nationhood as formulated by Michael Billig. The purposeful manner in which WingStar is constructed results in the erasure of specific ethnic, regional and other identity markers that reiterate and specify ethnic and regional identities alongside spatial orientations. This study will also engage with the implications of how conscious ‘sanitised’ representations like these in popular narratives would construct and homogenise the imaginaries of a nation of children who would then grow up with erroneous notions of cultural ethnicities and diversity within the country adding to the problematics of marginalisation and hegemonic nationalisms. In order to do so the study will also examine the frameworks of nation-building and othering as engaged with in the representational works of Sanjib Baruah and Udayon Misra that emerge from and are firmly rooted in the Northeastern region.

Homogenisation and Erasure: Nationalism in WingStar

Ideologies operate in constructing and restructuring lives and identities that seem natural and universal. Nations and nationalisms are also part of this ideological constructedness. Billig (1995) writes, “Nationalism is the ideology by which the world of nations has come to seem the natural world – as if there could not possibly be a world without nations.” (p. 184). He further adds that national identities are also natural to possess and to remember. Billig writes:

This remembering, nevertheless, involves a forgetting, or rather there is a complex dialectic of remembering and forgetting. …, this dialectic is important in the banal reproduction of nationalism in established nations….This remembering is simultaneously a collective forgetting: the nation, which celebrates its antiquity, forgets its historical recency. (1995, 185)

Billig points out that this collective and selective amnesia is a complex process where not just the past but the present is also subjective to this deletion. Quoting Langer, Billig gesticulates to the manner in which national identities get established over ages through daily routines that flag the idea of nationhood and that this is often routinized in that they are followed mindlessly to the extent that it becomes forgotten (1995, p. 185). According to Sanjib Baruah, (1999) “the apparent amnesia about identities that compete with official State nationalisms is the legacy of cultural standardisation particularly associated with successful State-building endeavours” (p. 4). One of the parts of this amnesia is also a creation by the intellectuals as Ernest Renan acknowledges in his work, “What is a nation?” (p.251).

Cultural artefacts, like literature, films and other material products, also enable the construction of identities including that of nation and nationalism. In case of children’s magazines like Tinkle, it has long carried the baton of homogenising ethnic and regional identities to create a pan-Indian identity. This has constructed narratives for children like Butter Fingers, Dental Diaries, Shikhari Shambhu, Tantri the Mantri, Suppandi and WingStar among others where regional and cultural markers are completely absent, or if present, they are non-representational, other than character names and reconstituted location names. Contextualising Billig’s idea to WingStar, it is interesting to note that this cultural artefact (that of a children’s magazine) plays an important role in the collective forgetting of identities and ideas within the nation, especially when it is perpetrated and perpetuated through childhood into adulthood. In the construction of this narrative of history through a children’s literary text, what is forgotten is the true nature of diversity, leading to the birth of a sanitised version of diversity that homogenises ethnic and regional identity indicators. This creates a “banal” (Baudrillard) diversity that subsumes the ethnic and regional variations into the realms of a dominant nationalism that prefers to erase and forget difference. Children growing up reading WingStar would understand that diversity is actually not so diverse and all cultures are quite like each other. This becomes problematic in the context of a multicultural, multireligious, multilinguistic and multiethnic nation like India.

In order, to be remembered and included in the national imaginary, the categories of its existence have to be reproduced and in the same manner, in order to be forgotten, the categories of erasure too have to be constantly reproduced, which is infinitely possible in an infinite series like that of WingStar which is periodised in the fortnightly Tinkle. In WingStar, all indices of difference except that of the names of people and the state are erased and the “female superhero from Mizoram”’ can be dislocated or relocated against the cultural locus of any state within the country as she is presented as generic or universal. She is a ‘female superhero’ who incidentally belongs to a state in India, Mizoram. There has been a conscious effort to equalise Mizoram and the Mizo character, Mapui Kawlim in the name of inclusivity and this inclusiveness operates through erasure and a certain elision. There seems to be an attempt to bring the Northeast into the consciousness of the ‘mainstream’ by representing it as any other state. This elides over ethnic and cultural heterogeneity and homogenises not just Northeastern identities as a whole but also situates it within a larger pan-Indian identity rubric. Throughout the series across various issues of Tinkle there is no mention of anything specific that would locate WingStar as quintessentially Mizo or as hailing from Mizoram, a state underrepresented in mainstream children’s literature. Other than the name of the central character, Mapui Kawlim, and the town she is located in as Aizwa, suitably changed from Aizawl to make it sound more generic, and which according to the writer of WingStar Sean D’mello is “just a city” (qtd in Staneley, 2016), young Kawlim is just any other female superhero from any part of the country, and for that matter from any part of the world. D’mello comments in an interview, “At Tinkle, we never use the original name of cities or towns. This is primarily because it gives us the freedom to do what we want in a story” (D’mello, 2022). With respect to the name of Mapui, in order to be a Mizo name, Mapui should be spelt Mapuii. Her father’s name Tashi and their last name Kawlim are not Mizo names, which in addition to the fact that most Mizos do not employ last names but second names that are indicative of clans, (qtd in Staneley, 2016) which point to a disjuncture. Later in “Strange sightings”, an episode from WingStar, the Reiek mountains, a tourist destination of Aizawl, is denoted as Relek mountains. This episode is also interesting in that, the identity of Mizoram as a state is established and reiterated through mythical creatures and Relek mountains, but their protection is dependent on the non-Mizo characters of the Tinkle Toons universe, along with Mapui, of course (Vol. 1, 2018, pp. 42-49). The only distinguishing feature that marks Mapui’s identity as a Mizo is her facial features or rather the representation of her eyes and the eyes of most characters in the narrative. But even this is done in the caricaturish style and not the realistic style, which brings with it the problematics of exaggeration (Fig 1 and Fig 2). Needless to say, every other distinguishing ethnic feature is erased while the eyes become the centre-point of the character’s features and identity, which gets further accentuated when she dons her WingStar power suit which then displays her eyes naturally and prominently. This seems to be a kind of “visual orientalism” (qtd in Baruah, 2021, p. 10) when taken in conjunction with the fact that there seems to be no other identity marker that distinguishes these characters from Mizoram.

          Fig 1. WingStar: The reluctant superhero. Vol. 1, 2018, p.9. | Fig. 2. WingStar: The reluctant superhero. Vol. 1, 2018, p.5

In another instance of elision, the episode “Stranger sightings” (a metafictive narrative) features the pheiccham, a one-legged mythical forest being, belonging to Mizo folklore, that is purported to bring good fortune to those who seek and catch it (Pheiccham: The story, n.d.). But even in this instance of the WingStar narrative which is set in Mizoram, they get subsumed in the story under the other Tinkle Toon characters featured, such as Shikhari Shambhu, Tantri the Mantri and Billy the fangless vampire as it is they alongside Mapui who seek to rescue these mystical creatures from the clutches of the villain Rasha. There is no description of what a pheiccham is with respect to Mizo culture and lore and at one point, Mapui herself dismisses them as “the so-called pheicchams are just a new species” (WingStar, Vol.1, p. 46).

These interventions were purposeful, and according to D’mello and the editor of Tinkle at the time of WingStar’s inception, Rajni Thindiath, they “did not want to directly represent or misrepresent a particular clan” (qtd. in Staneley, 2016). When D’mello was asked why specific aspects of the Northeastern identity do not come through in WingStar, he indicates that while presenting a character from the Northeast was an aim, “WingStar is a superhero who doesn’t want to be a superhero. That was her fundamental purpose, to find a way to balance expectation and her own desires. It was this aspect of the storyline that we chose to focus on when writing her stories” (D’mello, 2022). D’mello also responds to why Mizoram was chosen for WingStar’s setting saying, “Tinkle Toons do not only live and have adventures in their place of birth. They travel the country and in WingStar’s case internationally to complete a variety of missions” (D’mello, 2022). All these strategic decisions by the makers of WingStar result in a cultural product where all specific ethnic identity markers are erased and elided over as if they do not matter or exist and will thus not introduce the children to anything specific to Mizoram or Mizo culture. It becomes a generic story of a superhero who incidentally is female, hails from India and more specifically Mizoram, a state in India. Erased in this process is the history of marginalisation and under-representation that Mizoram along with other Northeastern states are subjected to within the mainstream literature and media, particularly with respect to children’s literature, television and film in India.

To place this problematic of homogenisation and monolithic nationalism in perspective it is important to look at this issue through writers and political scientists who write about the centre-state politics in the Northeast. Udayon Misra, a writer and critic from Assam, while talking about the national imaginary about the North-East and its identities, states, “such monolithic conceptions about a region which stands out for its diversity of cultures and civilizations would only help to nourish the biases and prejudices…” (2013, p. 3). According to Misra in his book India’s North-East: Identity, movements, state and civil society (2014) such a construction of nationalism has a historic lineage that goes back to the immediate months and years in post-independence India. Misra writes:

Those who had taken over power from the British at Delhi and were immersed in the streams of Indian cultural nationalism, were, therefore, not in a position to acknowledge, let alone try to understand and appreciate the different strands of alternate nationalism that were present in the northeastern part of the country… (2014, p. 9)

He points out that the nascent Indian nation may have been ill-equipped and unwilling to tackle the “demands of pluralism and the multi-ethnic nature of our polity” due to their tendency to gauge things through “a highly centralised focal point” (Misra, 2014, p. 28). The tendency over the years, as a result, is to attempt to integrate the states in the Northeastern region of India into the ‘Indian mainstream’ or to make them part of the ‘great Indian tradition’ (Misra, 2014, p. 74), as can be seen in the attempt to situate certain communities from Northeast India within ancient scriptures (2014, p. 79). Tinkle through WingStar seems to fall prey to this politics of integration, not by situating it within the larger discourse of “Hindu cultural nationalism” (Baruah, 2021, pp. 16-17), but by ignoring all cultural and regional specificities in order to ‘integrate’ it into the larger national imaginary. Though it is to be noted that the magazine is egalitarian in erasing all markers of ethnicity or regional specificities within its pages, however, what is problematic, is that it seems to have for the first time posited a specific geographic and cultural marker for one of its series to mark the ‘inclusivity’ the editors have aimed at and then have proceeded ‘naturally’ to erase all identity and cultural markers of the region.

Sanjib Baruah in his evocative accounts of the history of the Northeast, refers to the ‘othering’ of the states in the Northeastern region of the country. He points out that the language of ‘other’ing that permeates the official central government documents, national media accounts about what happens in the Northeastern part of the nation and popular culture references that further otherises the states in the Northeast. Baurah points out the vocabulary in government documents that state that the region in time will “catch-up and become part of the ‘national mainstream’” (2021, p. 44) indicating that in the national imagination the states of the Northeast “appear as a periphery” that are to develop and “catch-up” with the ‘mainstream’ (2021, p. 188). Quoting Mrinal Miri, Baruah states that, “the metaphor of the mainstream is a powerful hindrance to the understanding of India” (2021, p. 180). The arrival of WingStar within the Tinkle Universe serves as a moment for the Northeast to ‘catch-up’, it has now arrived in the living-rooms of children and Tinkle has become an agent to facilitate that moment. This moment is important considering the three lakhs per issue (as in 2019) circulation of Tinkle across 400 towns in India. Therefore, arriving in the Tinkle Universe would metaphorically herald an arrival into the psyches of the young Indians, for many among whom this would be their first cultural introduction to Mizoram or any of the states in the Northeastern region for that matter. In contextualising the WingStar within the larger Tinkle Universe imaginary, the diversity, plurality, multilinguistic and multiethnic identities of the region are levelled out, appropriated and erased to serve the ‘national mainstream’ and a rhetoric is established that tells the young reader that the people of the Northeastern regions in India are the ‘same like you’. Extrapolating from Baruah and Misra’s histories of the Northeastern regions, it is interesting to note that WingStar does not touch upon themes of insurgency or separatist movements that are part of the dominant discourses and cultural history of the region. It is interesting to note that Mapui Kawlim as WingStar is a vigilante superhero in a state which has cracked down hard on vigilantism. But Mapui is redeemed in that she along with her father and mother, Tashi and Kyati Kawlim work hand-in-hand with the State, through the state agency of the police forces of the region. Effort is made by the makers of WingStar to situate and locate her identity within the boundaries of the state machinery, with the police time and again turning to her for help, which validates her position. It is reiterated that Tashi Kawlim is an innovator who refused to sell his inventions to the “private arms manufacturer” Baik Sailo (Vol. 2, 2020, p. 1) but at the same time assists the police through his inventions. The State, in this narrative, takes on a glorified and glorifying position.

The cultural forgetfulness that is generally associated with successful state-building seems to be receding (Baruah, 1999, p. 4) and this brings in its wake a resurgence of memories and the need to imprint them into the national consciousness. Tinkle via WingStar joins the bandwagon to culturally represent the nation and its diversity but it still constitutes Mizoram within the larger amnesiac history of nation-building. All constructions of nationhoods involve projects of cultural hegemony and a pan-Indian national identity that is achieved through differences being ‘assimilated or destroyed’ (Baruah, 1999, p. 9). In all this, we can observe the creation of a banal nationalism that subsumes all differences and seeks to establish a non-heterogenous notion of identities and nationhood and in which WingStar becomes a part of this project of nation-building.

The Politics of Deterritorialization: Situating WingStar within the Tinkle Toons universe

Giles Deleuze and Felix Guattari in their seminal works ranging from Anti-Oedipus (1972) to A thousand plateaus (1980) re-examines Lacanian notions of territorialization and extends its use from within the psychological milieu and register to the social. This discussion will adopt E. W. Holland’s response to Deleuze and Guattari’s work in the 1970s and ‘80s to examine WingStar. It will concentrate on the social deployment of the notion of territorialization, deterritorialization and reterritorialization extending its use from the purview of the libidinal to human investment of energy in all kinds of activities ranging from the perceptual, cognitive, artistic, productive and physical (Holland, 1991, p. 57). According to Holland, Deleuze and Guattari, while examining the rhizomatic relations of power in society, argue that capitalism is not the only power that deterritorializes but that all operations of power in society do so. (Holland, 1991, p.57). In A thousand plateaus Deleuze and Guattari re-examine the notions of deterritorialization and reterritorialization not as binaries but as immanent structures within diverse semiotic processes (Holland, 1991, p. 59).  Capitalism for Deleuze and Guattari is a prime agent for deterritorialization (Holland, 1991, p. 64). In the context of WingStar and Mizo ethnic identities for the establishment of a certain pan-Indian identity, one can argue that nationalism is an agent for deterritorialization and a problematic reterritorialization through a process of cultural erasure of ethnic markers, in that, all specific Mizo identities are deterritorialized and reterritorialized as an absence/presence in WingStar.

Northeast is often “imagined as an internal other” (Baruah, 2021, p. 12). This internal “othering” is evident in the manner in which the state machinery has designed policies for the Northeast. And as Baruah, mirroring Miri, points out, “human beings do not have a policy toward family members or friends (Baruah, 2021, p. 13). In WingStar one can see a duality at work, a recognition of the ‘other’ and a fear of the same ‘other’. This gets expressed in the recognition of the need for narratives from the Northeast. The fear is manifest in the attempt to homogenise ethnic and cultural differences into a “just like any other” structure. The desire to recognise the ‘other’ manifests itself in the fact that these narratives are written and illustrated by people who do not culturally belong, who invest in themselves the power to represent this ‘other’ they feel requires representation. But this recognition does not at the same time extend to representing the cultural and ethnic markers specific to Mizoram and the Mizo community in which the narratives and characters are set. There is a deliberate way in which racial discrimination against the people from Mizoram and other Northeastern states are glossed over in order to not “offend people” (Staneley, 2016). The narrative turns into another Enid Blytonesque adventure fantasy where Mapui fights against the modern-day crime using technological interventions that grant her an edge over all other characters. It is interesting how her superhero powers are all because of the power-suit and extensions her father customises for her and not because she has something inherent within herself that enables her to be a superhero. She is not represented as a character who has a sense of justice, but she is portrayed as a young girl who is frivolous and boastful, not in the least accommodating of other’s opinions and full of herself. In this sense, she seems not in the least a superhero material. The sense of heroism and valour that ideally characterises a superhero is constantly demystified by her representation as a young girl who can lie to get out of doing her homework, who does not want to save the world but would rather have sleepovers and watch a TV series. She seems to be full of false bravado as she faces a temperamental villain and declares, “Come at me! Let me show you what I can do” (Vol 1, 2018, p. 19). She is visualised in this scene with her arms folded across her chest and it is also striking that she has come to face this villain ignoring her father’s instructions to stay at home. She seems narcissistic when she tells her friends that they could pass their time during their sleepover by watching news reports documenting “all her heroic acts” (Vol. 1, 2018, p. 23). She is portrayed as unwilling to change and experiment when she attempts to persuade her dad to give her the same power-suit rather than a revamped version. Through these and other instances in the narrative we see that Mapui Kawlim is deterritorialized from the normative superheroes of fictional worlds and reterritorialised in peculiar ways within the Tinkle Toons universe.

Within the Tinkle Toons universe, all ethnic and cultural markers and differences are wiped out, nothing differentiates the characters in terms of specific cultural or regional identities. Within this Universe the characters are reduced to a pan-Indian Tinkle toon character with idiosyncrasies and not so likeable traits. This is symptomatic of the Tinkle Toons universe, take for example Tinkle Toon characters like Shikhari Shambu, Tantri the Mantri, Suppandi and others. None of them have any specific identity or cultural markers and neither are they like the conventional heroes or central characters of children’s narratives. Shambu wins against villains through sheer force of circumstances and not through his intelligence or efforts, Tantri fails in all endeavours not for want of intelligence or cunning but through a set of circumstances, Suppandi is a hero for his witticisms that are more stupid than witty and there is Mapui Kawlim who wins only because of her power-suit, without which often than not and even despite it many a time her friends have to step in to save her from the clutches of the villains (Vol.1 & 2). The reterritorialization of Mapui Kawlim within the Tinkle Toons universe becomes apparent in the episode titled “Strange sightings” (Vol. 1, 2018, pp. 42-49) where Mapui is situated within the Tinkle Toon universe as a foil to Shikhari Shambu, Tantri the Mantri and Billy, the Fangless Vampire. All of these Tinkle Toons characters are involved, in their own bizarre and slapstick styles, in solving the case of the pheicchams. In the regular schema, this homogenisation then would not seem problematic unless one examines the avowed reason for the introduction of a narrative based in the Northeast. According to D’mello, the major reason for introducing WingStar set in Mizoram was “to showcase Northeastern culture, backgrounds, people—how they talk, how they look, they behave” (qtd in Staneley, 2016).

In WingStar we see deterritorialization and reterritorialization at work. Mizoram, as a state from the Northeastern region, which is under-represented in literature and children’s literature, is problematically ‘redeemed’ from this under-representation in a quintessential Tinkle manner through its appropriation into the Tinkle Toons universe. Aizawl is reterritoritorialised in this process as Aizwa, Mapuii as Mapui, Kawlim, a non Mizo surname attributed to her and all other social, cultural, ethnic and geographical markers which are obliterated in the process of this reterritorialization. According to D’mello, “Tinkle Toons are written with a universal narrative in mind. We want every reader to see themselves in the characters” (D’mello, 2022). In this process of recontextualization the narrative loses credibility with respect to its avowal to represent and showcase the Northeast and privileges a certain homogenisation that is the dominant ideology of nationalism. Mapui and her world gets recoded in this process into “just a female superhero from the Northeast” and her specific locale as “just a city”, both now almost ahistorical entities that exist ‘harmoniously’ within the Tinkle Toons universe.

Conclusion

One of the major problems that could possibly arise from this scenario would be an indigenization that is pan-Indian, an Indianization over Mizoization, that could lead to the erasure of ethnic and cultural specificities of Northeastern states and identities among children who read and engage with only mainstream media. The banal nationalism that gets enacted in the pages of WingStar is just another in a long chain of cultural and political hegemony enacted upon the body of a state located in the Northeastern region. In the case of Tinkle, Mizoram joins the long list of such homogenisation and cultural decluttering that guides the editorial policy of the magazine, which is to represent diversity but to not make it seem very diverse. In WingStar, Tinkle continues its history of recognising unity as a subsumption of identities into a pan-Indian and ubiquitous entity and generalising differences as present in every state and not touching upon specifics, in order to not disengage its readership. This positionality mirrors what Misra talks about when he says that the Indian middle class are yet to change from their narrow equations into a “truly liberal urban space. … Therefore, old mindsets and perceptions continue to hold sway and there seems to be little space for plurality of cultures and alternate nationalisms” (2014, p.6).  In this process, a breed of young minds would develop who do not recognise differences and would confront differences with suspicion and fear. But, “social, linguistic, and regional plurality must be seen as essential to the task of nation-building.… The perception of India as a country must be broadened to include nationalities which have been at the periphery, culturally, politically, and economically (Misra, 2014, pp. 82-23). What is important is not an ethnic nationalism which is a “commodified surplus” (Billig, 1995, p. 195) but an inclusive nationalism that acknowledges and respects differences of culture and ethnicities “without being integrated” (Misra, 2014, p.6) that can be built in the minds of children through inclusive narrativization that does not purposefully erase differences and ethnic markers.

Declaration of Conflict of Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest.

Funding

No funding has been received for the publication of this article. It is published free of any charge.

References

Abraham, R. E. (2018). Children’s edutainment magazines in English in India: An overview. Centre for Publications, Christ University. 

—. (2020). Acculturation and holistic development in children in India: Educative possibilities of children’s edutainment magazines in English, New Review of Children’s Literature and Librarianship, 26(1-2), pp. 1-13. https://doi.org/10.1080/13614541.2021.1972751

Baruah, Sanjib. (2021). Introduction. In In the name of the Nation: India and its Northeast (pp. 1-24). Navayana. 

—. (1999). India against itself: Assam and the politics of nationality. Oxford University Press.  

Billig, M. (2005). Banal nationalism. In P. Spencer & H. Wollman (eds.), Nations and nationalism: A reader, (pp. 184–196). Edinburgh University Press. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3366/j.ctvxcrmwf.17

D’mello, S. (2022, January 12). Personal communication [Email].

Holland, E. W. (1991). Deterritorializing “deterritorialization”: From the “Anti-Oedipus” to “A Thousand Plateaus.” SubStance, 20(3), 55–65. https://doi.org/10.2307/3685179

Misra, Udayon. (2013). India’s North-East: An illusive construct. In The periphery stikes back: Challenges to the Nation-State in Assam and Nagaland (pp. 1-14). Indian Institute of Advanced Study.

Misra Udayon. (2014). Northeast India: Roots of alienation. Introduction. In India’s North-East: Identities,   movements, state, and civil society (pp. 1-7). Oxford University Press.   

Pheiccham: Lead for change. (n.d.). Pheiccham: The story. https://pheichham.com/

Renan, E., & Giglioli, M. F. N. (2018). ‘What is a nation?’: (Qu’est-ce qu’une nation?, 1882). In What is a nation? and Other political Writings (pp. 247–263). Columbia University Press. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7312/rena17430.15

Staneley, S. A. (2016, January 18). Looking East: Tinkle’s depiction of its new superhero from the Northeast has a long way to go. The Caravan, Delhi Press.

https://caravanmagazine.in/vantage/looking-east-tinkle-superhero-wingstar-long-way-to-go

Thindiath, Rajani, ed. (January, 2018). WingStar: The reluctant superhero (Vol. 1) [Comic]. In Tinkle Mumbai: Amar Chitra Katha Pvt. Ltd.     

Thindiath, Rajani, ed. (June, 2020). WingStar: Dangers unseen (Vol. 2) [Comic]. In Tinkle Mumbai: Amar Chitra Katha Pvt. Ltd.     

Renu Elizabeth Abraham is an Assistant Professor of English with the Department of English and Cultural Studies, CHRIST (Deemed to be University), Bannerghatta Road Campus, Bengaluru, India. Her academic interests lie in Children’s Literatures in India, Fandom Studies, Comics Studies and Popular Culture Studies in India and she has recently published a monograph on Children’s magazines in English in India along with research articles on Fandoms and children’s magazines for acculturation in India.

Forbidden Cravings: Exploring socio-cultural ramifications of food practices in Aamis

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Alicia Jacob1 & Dishari Chattaraj2

Department of English and Cultural Studies at Christ University, Bangalore. Email: alicia.jacob@res.christuniversity.in

Rupkatha Journal, Vol. 14, Issue 2, April-June, 2022. Pages 1-10. https://doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v14n2.ne37

First published: June 30, 2022 | AreaNortheast India | LicenseCC BY-NC 4.0

(This article is published under Themed Issue on Literature of Northeast India)
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Abstract

Food choices represent conscious affirmation and expression of personal, group, ethnic or national identity. Due to its multidimensional role, food that we rely on sustenance is often politicised and used as a tool to create conflict amongst and within diverse social groups. Assamese cuisine includes a rich platter of authentic food varieties, often limited to the north-eastern region. Although food consumption is a subjective experience, cultural taboos within a community might be acceptable practices in another culture, creating conflicting notions of food practices. The balance between the twin axis of culture and politics regarding food is disrupted when heterogeneous cultural patterns and opposing political notions are in discord. Similarly, the solidarity within a cultural group becomes hostile when the authority of the individual concerning food choices is not aligned with the authority of the social structure. This discord from a political and cultural standpoint is evident in the Assamese socio-cultural scenario. Taking Bhaskar Hazarika’s Ravening/Aamis (2019) as a case study, this paper proposes to analyse the representational troupe of food, through a structuralist anthropological lens, with respect to food politics to understand socio-cultural ramifications of Assamese food patterns.

Keywords: food, Assamese cuisine, Aamis, food politics, cultural appropriation

The need to begin human settlement emerged out of the need to procure food. Food thereby was the foundation on which culture was built. Every culture is the point of interaction between tradition and innovation. Globalisation and change in patterns of consumption are erasing distinctive traditions and culture. Cultural contact and postcolonialism have increased the pace of cultural diffusion in the Indian context. Being a diverse country with multiple religions, ethnicities, languages, and cultures, India is waging an endless battle to attain cultural homogeneity. Additionally, in the context of India, cultural contact and postcolonialism have increased the pace of this cultural diffusion. In his work Multiculturalism, C. W. Watson (2000) emphasises the mutating role of culture and how collective identity is constantly modified and transformed. Apart from its nutritional value crucial for man’s survival, food is a social construct that is not often meant for conscious consumption. Kaplan (2012) asserts that the essence of food includes thirteen main conceptions. Ranging from the most natural to the most cultural, these conceptions include “nature, nutrition, fuel, medicine, diet, pleasure, taboo, commodity, goods, meaning, spirituality, recipe, and art” (p. 19). Thus, due to its multidimensional nature, food becomes a breeding ground for hegemony and creates disparities between cultures.

The eight north-eastern states in India are victims of cultural subjugation. The majoritarian culture from the mainland side lines these minority states, subjecting them to cultural loss (Misra, 2011). The sense of alienation from the mainland due to their cultural diversity creates tension between the mainland and North-eastern states (Harriss, 2002). The liminal position of the north-eastern states within Indian politics began with the independence of India and is attributed to their geographical location as well as their cultural practices. Food becomes a tool to create an inclusive exclusion within the north-eastern community in India. While they are part of the Indian subcontinent, they are excluded from full membership and forced to assimilate mainland practices and food choices through food politics. Food politics refers to the rules and regulations governing food production, distribution and consumption. Food through government manipulation becomes an instrument in heightening differences and creating a milieu of alienation. Michael Twitty (2017), in his talk on Culinary Justice, differentiates between cultural diffusion and cultural appropriation. He defines cultural diffusion as a natural and innocent process where different cultures interact and, as a result, assimilate certain practices into their culture. This assimilation is mutual. In contrast, cultural appropriation subjugates a minority culture and forces them to assimilate into the prominent culture, erasing their cultural aesthetics. Evidently, the north-eastern states are subjected to cultural appropriation.

One among the eight states of north-eastern India, Assam is an amalgamation of diverse cultures. Assamese cuisine includes a rich platter of authentic food varieties, which remains absent in the Indian cookbooks from the mainland. The balance between the twin axis of culture and politics regarding food is disrupted when heterogeneous cultural patterns and opposing political notions are in discord. Similarly, the solidarity within a cultural group becomes hostile when the authority of the individual concerning food choices is not aligned with the authority of the social structure. This discord from a political and cultural standpoint is evident in the Assamese socio-cultural scenario. Taking Bhaskar Hazarika’s Ravening/Aamis (2019) as a case study, this paper proposes to analyse the representational troupe of food, through a structuralist anthropological lens, with respect to food politics to understand socio-cultural ramifications of Assamese food patterns.

While anthropology, in general, is concerned with the scientific study of human beings, socio-cultural anthropology, in particular, focuses on understanding human behaviour in association with nature and culture (Eriksen, 2004). Natural behaviour refers to the set of common philosophical patterns seen in all human beings. In contrast, cultural behaviour refers to distinctive patterns of behaviour practised by an individual or within a community. However, structuralism is a cultural theory that aims to study human culture and practices through their relationship with broader social systems. Therefore, structural social anthropology, pioneered by Levi Strauss, study communicative structures and their mechanisms on both conscious and unconscious levels to understand intricate cultural forms (Leach, 1973). The idea of art as an imitation of reality is an age-old dictum that finds realisation in films. Additionally, being a product of culture, films tend to portray the culture that it represents in intricate ways. Structuralist film theory further interprets how meanings are channelled through a set of codes through both linguistic as well as visual cues (Benshoff, 2015). Food, a cultural marker that often finds its place on the big screen, is instrumental in implicitly transacting meaning. Aamis, set in Guwahati, the largest city in Assam, enthralls the viewers through the appealing visuals of food while problematising the politics of food.

Assam, food and culture – Inclusive exclusion

The etymological origin of the word ‘Assam’ has its root in Food culture. Taken from the Sanskrit word ‘cham’ the derivation of the verb ‘to eat’, Assam got its name after the arrival of Brahmins, who cleared the misleading reputation of the land as one of cannibalism. ‘A-cham’ refers to ‘non-cannibal land and people’ (Saikia, 2005)[i]. The politics of food and culture within the terrain of Assam can be directly linked to the State’s position within the country. The relative absence of Assam from the documented history of modern India, along with the lack of representation from the Northeast within the socio-political reforms of Indian history, has been an area of discussion (Barua & Lal, 2020). The relative non-existence of the history of Assam within the ranks of Indian chronicles can be attributed to the diverse non-Aryan linguistic and cultural heritage along with the presence of multi-religious communities (Goswami, 2014). Additionally, cultural appropriation of this northeasternstate through the invasiveness of mainland culture blurs the boundaries between indigenous traditions and modernity. The loss of cultural identities and the issues of creating new cultural identities through intercultural interactions has remained a prominent subject matter within Assamese literature (Misra, 2011). While included within the geographical and political terrain of Indian policies, Assam remains excluded and ‘othered’ based on cultural differences. Food, a prominent marker of every culture, has also been subjected to appropriation in the Assamese context. Assamese cuisine, like Assamese history, has been excluded from the texts of the mainland. The majority of the Indian cookbooks available in the market split Indian cuisine into North-Indian and South-Indian cuisine and rarely includes authentic dishes from the north-east. However, despite its side-lined existence within the world of cuisines, Assamese cuisine retains its authenticity within its geographical boundaries (Das, 2008). Relying on a wide variety of plant as well as animal products, Assamese cuisine refers to the authentic dishes and stylised cooking from the state of Assam. Assamese dishes are simple and rely on fresh, fermented and dried forms of food products to add flavour to the dishes.  Meat remains a popular dietary choice within Assamese communities, besides a diverse variety of fish, poultry and animals to choose from. The popular types of meat include: fish, mutton, pork, chicken, squab, and duck. Although not widely popular, beef is consumed within Assam (Biju Borah et al., 2018). Consumption of dog meat, pangolin meat, and a wide variety of insects such as rice grasshopper, cricket, water bug, snail, adult termite, and silkworm larvae in Assam are also accounted for (Chowdhury et al., 2015; D’Cruze et al., 2018). These food groups are unique to the northeastern region and are relatively absent from the cuisine of the mainland. Religious restrictions on meat consumption practised in the mainland remain void on Assamese grounds. Assamese brahmins consume meat, while Meitei brahmins restrict themselves to fish consumption and avoid other forms of meat (Datta, 2012). In addition to their geographical position, these attributes within Assamese culture become sources of alienation.

Cultural appropriation aims to erase these authentic functionalities within the Assamese culture to create a more unified national identity and culture. Although a secular country as per the constitution, India has evidently leaned towards the demolition of the secularistic spirit of the nation. Additionally, the tendency to proclaim India as a Hindutva nation has been accelerated in recent times. In the wake of the political change of guard after the 2016 state elections in Assam, cultural appropriation of the state was set in motion with an aim to spread the dogmatic ideology of the mainland (Jaffrelot, 2017). An attempt at religious polarisation within Assam has been underway since then (Saikia, 2020). Food, as a cultural marker, is often instrumental in cultural practices. Food politics refers to the policies governing the production, distribution, and consumption of food endorsed by a political/governmental body. Cultural appropriation can be achieved through the policing of food practices and restricting the availability of food groups that are not aligned with the consumption patterns of the mainland. Assam’s Cattle Preservation Bill of 2021 is one such political agenda that aims to create food restrictions within the State (Correspondent, 2021). Although the bill does not explicitly ban the production, distribution, and consumption of beef, the restrictions imposed by the bill make it seemingly impossible to sell or consume beef. This restriction was inflicted upon every community, especially the Muslim community, within the boundaries of Assam with an aim to achieve the spirit of the ‘Hindutva nation’. The beef ban exacerbates the oppression of religious minority groups and often becomes a tool to normalise violence against Muslim and Dalit communities (Parikh & Miller, 2019). Additionally, the call for the ban of pork slaughter and distribution within a 500-metre radius of mosques, as consumption of pork meat is considered taboo by the Muslim community, was refused arguing that the pig was not a sacred animal (Zaman, 2021). Warren Belasco (2008) introduced the concept of the culinary triangle of contradiction to better understand the factors that influence food consumption on a personal, social and global level. Identity, convenience and responsibility take up each side of the triangle. While identity is the preliminary factor determining food choices, convenience or the availability of food factor is the second. The lack of availability of certain food groups through political interference forces people to choose a more convenient option making cultural appropriation invisibly actionable. Aamis by Bhaskar Hazarika is a film that implicitly addresses the disparity between political appropriation and cultural resistance by questioning the authority of the social structure.

Aamis: Mirroring Reality

Although the Assamese film industry had its foundation in the early 20thcentury, it was only in contemporary times that Assamese cinema gained significant national and international attention. Apart from its entertaining quality, regional cinema is an instrument that addresses, influences and often mirrors the ideologies of a community and works towards empowering society. Assamese movies stand true to this statement as regional narratives give us insights into the intricacies of Assamese culture and society (Deori& Bora, 2020; Deka, 2021). Written and directed by Bhaskar Hazarika, Aamis (2019), alternately titled Ravening, is an Assamese film that first premiered at the Tribeca Film Festival, New York. The movie received critical acclaim for its unique portrayal of a haunting love story centred around food and the intricacies of intimacy and taboo. The movie is closely aligned with the culture of Assam and takes us through an exotic journey through its representation of Axomiya cuisine. The movie also bagged the Best Director Award along with the Best Actor: Female Award at the 3rd Singapore South Asian International Film Festival (SAIFF) 2019.

‘Aamis’ literally translates to meat. Whereas the film’s English title ‘Ravening’ refers to the extreme hunger of a ferocious animal hunting for prey. Both titles remain significant to understanding the essence of the movie where meat is a metaphor for love and intimacy that the protagonists are ravening for. Aamis is an all-consuming love story between Nirmali, a paediatrician and Suman, a research scholar. The complexity of the plot is attributed to the forbidden nature of their relationship and the lengths to which each character has to go to control their insatiable desire until it consumes them. Nirmali, a woman with strict values and a mother, is contemptuous towards illicit relationships and adheres strictly to the societal construct of a ‘married woman’ despite the fact that her husband is more or less absent. Sumon, who is conducting research on the meat-eating traditions of the Northeast, is a non-conformist who is assertive with his culture and ideology. Sumon is part of a meat club in which they hunt, kill, cook and eat the meat of wild animals and birds. He is scornful of processed meat available in stores. Suman says “we don’t buy dressed meat in the Meat Club. These days people put anything in their mouth not knowing where it came from, how it was stored, how old it is. Feels sick thinking about it. In our Meat Club we buy the thing live, slaughter, cook and enjoy it” (Hazarika, 2019). The politics of food and the involvement of governmental agencies to regulate food consumption within the Assamese culture are questioned through Sumon.[ii] Axomiya cuisine comprises a rich platter of meat varieties which is often reduced to a few basic variants like mutton, chicken, pork and fish through governmental interference. Sumon and his meat club is a form of resistance against cultural appropriation through which he is inhibiting governmental policies attempting to erase the cultures and practices within Assam.

A serendipitous encounter between Nirmali and Sumon catapults a series of meetings that revolve around testing and tasting different varieties of meat. Nirmali treats a vegetarian friend of Sumon, who was suffering from indigestion after overeating mutton for the first time. On getting to know about the meat club that Sumon was a part of, Nirmali promises to take a portion of the meat, they cook as the fee for his friend’s diagnosis. While tasting wild rabbit meat enthralls her tastebuds, Nirmali complained about the increasing availability of processed food in the market and how it is difficult to trust the food on the plate. Nirmali’s interest in consuming unadulterated meat and Sumon’s resistance towards processed food consumption leads them to explore authentic meat delicacies. Soon these food rendezvous develop into love, although Nirmali is hesitant to admit this to herself. The food on the plate becomes an extension of Sumon himself. “When I am eating with you, all I want to eat is meat. Nothing else registers” Hazarika, 2019).

 The meat here becomes a metaphor for love,[iii] which she is unable to reciprocate physically. Her conflict in adhering to the social stigma of having an illicit relationship and going against the moral codes of society weighs heavily on her. This prevents her from reciprocating her longing for Sumon who is desperate for her attention. While her internalised social parameters prohibit her from embracing her newfound love, she rebels against societal norms surrounding food which to her is less threatening. While Sumon talks about the meat varieties consumed by people from the Northeast like deer, elephant, donkey, dog, cat, lizards, worms, snakes, snails and so on, Nirmali is brimming with passion. Sumon, upholding the idea that there is no universal ‘normal’ when it comes to food, is excited to fulfil Nirmali’s wishes to try foods that are culturally forbidden. While Sumon remains a forbidden object by the societal conventions inflicted on a married woman, Nirmali is unwilling to break her commitment towards her family. Meanwhile, her indulgence in forbidden meat is a means to satisfy her craving for Sumon, which, while giving her the pleasure of being a non-conformist, remains seemingly harmless. The story takes a dark turn when what seemed seemingly harmless, and simply Sumon’s idea of indulging in Nirmali’s love for meat, turns to cannibalism.

Food Ethics and Cannibalism as resistance

David M Kaplan (2012) in Food Philosophy discusses the concept of food ethics as the food-related obligation one has with oneself and the society at large. It refers to the responsibility an individual has to himself and his community in creating an environment of wellness and wholesome nourishment. Cannibalism, although prevalent in certain tribes in the remotest part of the world, is generally frowned upon by civilised society. Consuming human flesh as the last resort for survival, emergency cannibalism, although undesirable, is not considered immoral; however, any other form of cannibalism is strictly prohibited in contemporary society (Kaplan, 2012). Nevertheless, cannibalism or cannibalistic tendencies in literature and films often represents a wide array of meaning. Carolyn Korsmeyer (2014) argues that within literary discourse, cannibalism tends to represent societal breakdown. In the movie The Cook, the Thief, His Wife and Her Lover, Cannibalism becomes a metaphor that signifies the disintegration of civilised society and, by extension the end of consumerism (Armstrong, 2004).

Sumon, who is madly in love with Nirmali, is desperate for their physical union. However, respecting Nirmali’s need to adhere to societal codes, he realises a conventional union of the bodies is unfeasible in their case. Desperate, he comes up with a solution that would ascertain their union. With the help from his Veterinarian friend, Elias, Sumon obtains a piece of his flesh claiming, that he needs it for his research. He then prepares an egg dish which, when consumed by Nirmali, makes her ecstatic and takes her to orgasmic heights. The egg is symbolic of fertility and carries sexual connotations. Replacing the yolk of the egg with his flesh can be connotative of their physical union where the egg is representative of the female sexual organ, and the action of filling is symbolic of the act of sex itself. Every dish prepared from Sumon’s flesh has sexual underpinnings to them. The rice cake stuffed with meat provides a similar symbolic meaning. Additionally, the way the tomato is gutted and stuffed with meat alludes to sexual union. The preparation of Sumon’s meat on a skewer symbolically exerts the image of a phallus. Every dish prepared on-screen carries an underlying allusion to their sexual union. Similarly, the cutlet made out of Nirmali’s flesh is representative of the female reproductive organ, and the cabbage dressing is symbolic of purity and fertility. Further, cabbage, with reference to its shape, is also representative of a fertile womb (Rinker, 1995).

Nirmali is disgusted with herself for enjoying the dish when she realises that it was made of human flesh. Although initially upset at Sumon, Nirmaliunderstands what propelled Sumon to take this drastic step. For Sumon, the consumption of his flesh signifies a sense of spiritual union that is absolute, uniting them in a single body. Peggy Sanday (1986) defines cannibalism into multiple categories based on their motivation, and the ‘psychogenic hypothesis’ best represents Suman’s motive as it implies the satisfaction of psychosexual needs. Moreover, we see Nirmali reciprocating her love by preparing Sumon a cutlet made of her meat for the first time. Sumon vomits when he finds out. This may be because Sumon is not reined in by societal pressure to consummate their love; it is only the lack of consent from Nirmali that is stopping him. Nirmali admits that she has tasted the fundamental flavour of life through tasting human flesh and, there is no going back. Things go out of hand when she develops an acute addiction to human meat, which is driving her insane. Left with no option, Sumon promises to find her a large chunk of human flesh, which is the only way to curb her craving. Unfortunately, Sumon is caught in the act of murder and is convicted along with Nirmali. Towards the end of the movie, we see Nirmali striking a realisation that murder is a detrimental societal taboo than an illicit relationship. We see them holding hands for the first time in the movie, which is publicly pronouncing their love for each other. Humans are bound by cultural norms, and social dictums and cannibalism erase those boundaries set forth by these socio-cultural milieus (Brown, 2013). Nirmali and Sumon are both socially non-conforming, and cannibalism signifies their resistance toward the restrictions imposed on them through cultural appropriation.

Apolitical Stand in Aamis

According to Anne Bower, food films are the ones where food plays a central role in the development of the narrative, negotiating questions of identity, power, and culture, and the inclusion of a film into this genre is generally subjective (Bower, 2012). Aamis evidently belongs to the genre of food films and implicitly critiques dominant attitudes that are part of cultural appropriation. However, explicitly, the movie remains apolitical. The conflict regarding the consumption of beef and pork in Assam is an extension of the Hindu-Muslim conflict and is an area of political/religious disparity. Despite the conflict, the consumption of pork and beef within Assam remains consistently high. In a study on meat-consumption in North-East India, pork ranked first, which owed to 70% of the meat consumption in the Northeast, and beef ranked second with 10% of total meat consumption (Mahajan et al., 2015). The study also shows that there is a supply–demand gap in the production and consumption of beef in Assam, which might be attributed to governmental food policies. Similarly, in the case of Assam, a large majority of 79% of the population indulged in the consumption of pork while the consumption of beef was below 10% (Biju Borah et al., 2018). However, despite the evident consumption of pork and beef by the people of Assam, Bhaskar Hazarika’s decision to neglect the existence of these varieties of meat have raised questions. The decision to avoid representations of pork and beef might be a deliberate attempt to steer clear of controversy and political backlash. Every cultural product is forced to undergo censorship to maintain the status quo of the political and social practices of the region. The intolerance of politicians towards filmmakers, especially in the Indian context, has influenced the creation of Cinematographic laws (Banerjee, 2009). One can only argue that the inclusion of politically controversial topics in the movie would have resulted in censorship, which would have had detrimental effects on the transaction and success of the movie. By choosing to self-censor and remaining apolitical, Hazarika was able to address the issues of food politics more inherently and reach a wider audience without uncanny political attention.

Conclusion

Films, primarily feature films, are carefully constructed reflections of reality. Food, which is an inevitable part of human life, inherently mundane, when presented on screen provides insight into the existing hegemony within cultural and social structures and also marginalisation and disenfranchisement causing, social, political and economic implications. Aamis, although superficially a haunting love story that finds expression through food, addresses the socio-cultural ramifications of Assamese cuisine and the exertion of political influence in appropriating Assamese culture. The association of cannibalism to the breakdown of the socio-cultural system can be aligned with the attempt of political policies to erase the authentic practices and culture of Assam in particular and the Northeast in general. Cultural appropriation, be it forceful or seemingly harmless, imply the collapse of culture. Food and air are the primary necessity for human survival. However, food carries additional cultural significance, for it remains a marker not only of socio-economic and cultural identities but also is responsible for creating communal, religious, gender, and national identities. Indian culture has always been diverse, and attempting to compile these cultures into a standard framework is atrocious. Food politics provides autonomy to the authority to police what is and what is not be consumed. Aamis, although a dark love story revolving around food taboos at the surface, addresses wider socio-cultural implications. Carefully integrating political concerns that threaten to erase Assamese culture, the film, while remaining apolitical, succeeded to sow the seed of resistance. Additionally, the film attempts to create a space for Assamese cuisine and the rich platter of meat varieties within the wide spectrum of Indian cuisine.

Declaration of Conflict of Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest.

Funding

No funding has been received for the publication of this article. It is published free of any charge.

Notes

[i]Yasmin Saika (2005) in her interpretation of the etymological origin of the name ‘Assam’ discusses two derivations; the first from the Sanskrit word ‘asama’ meaning ‘uneven’ or ‘undulating’ referring to the hilly terrain of the land, the second from the Sanskrit word ‘cham’.

[ii]Food and associated practices, along with its connotative meaning, help define cultural citizenship. The term ‘cultural citizenship’ was first introduced by Toby Miller in his book Cultural Citizenship: Cosmopolitanism, Consumerism and Television in a Neoliberal Age (2007), and it refers to the participation of an individual in a society where his consumption of goods and services is aligned with the ideologies of his culture.

[iii]Food metaphors are symbolic of sexual consumption and allude to sexual desire, where the appetite for sex and food becomes inseparable (Andrievskikh, 2014).

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Alicia Jacob is a UGC Junior Research Fellow and Research Scholar at the Department of English and Cultural Studies at Christ University, Bangalore. She did her MA in English from the University of Calicut. Her ongoing PhD research includes areas of gender and cultural disparities that exist within the terrain of Food Studies.

Dr. Dishari Chattaraj is an Assistant Professor at the Department of English and Cultural Studies at Christ University, Bangalore. She received her M.Phil and Ph.D. from JNU, New Delhi, and her MA from EFLU, Hyderabad. She has been hosted as a Fulbright Fellow at Indiana University Bloomington, USA. Her area of research is primarily in the area of Food Studies, Pedagogy and Curriculum development in higher education.

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